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LIFE OF 

DANIEL BOONE 

THE PIONEER OF KENTUCKY 

BY 

JOHN M. PECK 




Robert Cavelier de La Salle 



MAKERS OF 
AMERICAN 
HISTORY 

DANIEL BOONE 

BY 

JOHN M. PECK 

Robert Cavelier de La Salle 

AND 

FATHER MARQUETTE 

BY 

JARED SPARKS 



THE UNIVERSITY SOCIETY 

INCORPORATED 

NEW YORK 1904 






r'v 6f| 

5S, 



THE LiBR&RV 

CONG?!ES 
One Copy Receiveo 

DEC. -^ ^904 

(pc^. 2 6, /f<»V 
CLASS *^yXo. Mo. 

COPY a. 



Copyright, 1904 

BY 

The University Society, Inc 



DANIEL BOONE 



CHAPTER I 



Birth and Parentage. — Early Education and Training. — Re- 
moval to North Carolina. — Marriage. — Hunting Expeditions. 
— Affairs in North Carolina. — Emigration to the western 
Wilderness. — Boone, Finley, and others go to Kentucky. — 
Indian Claims. — Boone and Stewart taken Prisoners, and 
escape. — Unexpected Arrival of Squire Boone. — Stewart 
killed. — Excursion to Cumberland River. — Boone returns to 
North Carolina. — Notice of other hunting Parties in the 
West. 

Daniel Boone, the pioneer of Kentucky, was 
born in Bucks county, Pennsylvania, in the month 
of February, 1735. His father, whose name was 
Squire Boone, was a native of England, his mother's 
name was Sarah Morgan. He was the father of 
eleven children. According to information received 
from the late Daniel Bryan, a grandson of Squire 
Boone, their births and names were in the following 
order: Israel, Sarah, Samuel, Jonathan, Elizabeth, 
Daniel, Mary, (mother of Daniel Bryan,) George, 
Edward, Squire, and Hannah. 

When Daniel was a small boy, his father removed 
to Berks county, Pennsylvania, not far from Read- 
ing, and at that period a frontier settlement, abound- 

3 



4 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

ing with game, and exposed to Indian assaults. It 
was here that young Boone, a mere boy, received 
those impressions of character that were so strikingly 
displayed in his subsequent life. From childhood, he 
delighted to range the woods, watch the wild ani- 
mals, and contemplate the beauties of uncultivated 
nature. 

Rude and unhewn log cabins, and hewn log 
houses, erected in the " clearings," and surrounded 
with blackened stumps and cornfields, were the resi- 
dences of the frontier settlers. The school-house of 
that day, of which samples may still be seen in all 
the new settlements of the southwest, was con- 
structed of rough logs, exactly square, with a chim- 
ney occupying one side, and wrought with sticks and 
clay ; the door placed in front. A single log cut out 
from one side left an aperture, that answered the 
purpose of a window, under which a slab was placed 
for a writing desk. The surrounding forest fur- 
nished ample supplies of fuel, and a spring of water 
provided the refreshing and primitive draught for 
the thirsty. At such a rustic seminary young Boone 
received the rudiments of " book-learning." These 
embraced very little more than easy lessons in the 
spelling book and Psalter, and a brief space of time 
employed in writing and arithmetic. 

In another kind of education, not unfrequent in 
the wilds of the west, he was an adept. No Indian 
could poise the rifle, find his way through the path- 
less forest, or search out the retreats of game, more 
readily than Daniel Boone. In all that related to 
Indian sagacity, border life, or the tactics of the skil- 



DANIEL BOONE 5 

ful hunter, he excelled. The successful training of 
a hunter, or woodsman, is a kind of education of 
mental discipline, differing from that of the school- 
room, but not less effective in giving vigor to the 
mind, quickness of apprehension, and habits of close 
observation, Boone was regularly trained in all that 
made him a successful backwoodsman. Indolence 
and imbecility never produced a Tecumthe, or a 
Daniel Boone. To gain the skill of an accomplished 
hunter requires talents, patience, perseverance, sa- 
gacity, and habits of thinking. Amongst other quali- 
fications, knowledge of human nature, and especially 
of Indian character, is indispensable to the pioneer 
of the wilderness. Add to these, self-possession, 
self-control, and promptness in execution. Persons 
who are unaccustomed to a frontier residence know 
not how much, in the preservation of life, and in 
obtaining subsistence, depends on such character- 
istics. 

Boone's father had relatives in Maryland, and it is 
probable that one of his sons lived there for some 
time, to acquire the trade of a gunsmith. When 
Daniel was about eighteen years old, his father re- 
moved the family to North Carolina, and settled on 
the waters of the Yadkin, a mountain stream in the 
northwestern part of that State. Here was a fine 
range for hunting, where young Daniel could follow 
his favorite employment. Here he formed an ac- 
quaintance with Rebecca Bryan, whom he married. 
One almost regrets to spoil so beautiful and senti- 
mental a romance, as that which had had such ex- 
tensive circulation in the various " Lives of Boone," 



6 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

and which represents him as mistaking the bright 
eyes of this young lady, in the dark, for those of a 
deer; a mistake that nearly proved fatal from the 
unerring rifle of the young hunter. Yet in truth we 
are bound to say, that no such event ever happened. 
Our backwoods swains never make such mistakes. 

For several years after marriage, Boone followed 
the occupation of a farmer ; hunting at such times as 
would not interfere with raising and securing a crop. 
In the meantime, the population along the Yadkin 
and its tributary streams increased, explorations 
were made to the northwest, and the valleys of the 
Holston and Clinch Rivers began to resound with the 
strokes of the woodman's axe, and the neighboring 
mountains to echo with the sharp crack of the rifle. 
The Cherokee Indians were troublesome to the fron- 
tier settlements for several years, instigated as they 
were by French emissaries from Louisiana ; but in 
1 76 1 they sued for peace. Immediately upon this 
adjustment of Indian affairs, several companies of 
hunters, from Pennsylvania, Virginia, and North 
Carolina, hearing of the abundance of game in the 
valleys along the head waters of the Tennessee 
River, penetrated the wilderness in their favorite 
pursuit. At the head of one of these companies was 
Daniel Boone, from the Yadkin settlements, who 
ranged through the valleys on the head waters of the 
Holston, in the southwestern part of Virginia. In 
1764, we find him, with another company of hunters, 
on the Rock Castle, a branch of Cumberland River, 
within the present boundaries of Kentucky, em- 
ployed, as he stated, by a party of land speculators, 



DANIEL BOONE 7 

to ascertain and report concerning the country in 
that quarter. 

It is here necessary to give some particulars con- 
cerning the state of affairs in North CaroHna, which, 
together with the pecuharities of Boone's temper, in- 
fluenced him to leave the settlement on the Yadkin, 
and become a pioneer in the wilds of Kentucky. 

Daniel Boone, far from possessing an ungovern- 
able temper, or exhibiting dissatisfaction with the 
charms of domestic and social life, was mild, hu- 
mane, and charitable; his manners were gentle, his 
address conciliating, and his heart open to friendship 
and hospitality. The most prominent traits of his 
character were unshaken fortitude and self-com- 
mand. Perfectly plain in dress and style of living, 
contented with frugal fare, accustomed to be much 
alone in the woods, he acquired the habit of contem- 
plation, and was an enthusiastic admirer of nature in 
its primeval wildness. Adventures in hunting had 
become his ruling passion. He had a natural sense 
of justice and equity between man and man, and felt, 
throughout his whole life, repugnance to the tech- 
nical forms of law, and the conventional regulations 
of society and of government, unless they were in 
strict accordance with his sense of right. He felt 
keenly opposed to all those customs and usages in 
social life that seemed to him at variance with the 
divine rule : " As ye would that men should do to 
you, do ye also to them likewise." 

For several years before his first excursion, with 
Finley and others, to the rich valley of the Louisa 
River, as Kentucky was then called, the customs and 



8 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

fashions of North Carolina, had been in that process 
of change which was calculated to drive such men 
as Boone from the colony. The trade of the country 
was in the hands of Scotch adventurers, who came 
to the colony to acquire wealth and consequence. 
The people of the country, who had the ability to 
purchase, laid aside the rustic garments of domestic 
manufacture, and appeared in all circles clad in im- 
ported apparel. To dress otherwise was soon re- 
garded as the sign of poverty and barbarism. The 
poor man felt himself treated with disdain, and those 
persons whose taste and inclination disposed them to 
habits of frugality, were disgusted with what they 
regarded as the progress of luxury and effeminacy. 

The rich were led into extravagant modes of liv- 
ing, far beyond their income. Labor, among the 
opulent, was performed by slaves, and the indus- 
trious white man, who kept no servants, but who, 
with his sons, worked the farm, and whose wife and 
daughters were practical economists in domestic 
affairs, was less respected than his more opulent 
neighbor, who passed much of his time in frivolous 
amusements. Under these circumstances, men of 
quiet habits, opposed to luxury and oppression, 
migrated to the wilderness beyond the mountains, 
where they could enjoy independence and a share of 
respectability. 

In 1767, a backwoods hunter, by the name of John 
Finley, with a few others like himself, made an ex- 
cursion farther west than the previous hunting par- 
ties had gone, upon the waters of Kentucky River, 
where he spent the season in hunting and trading 



DANIEL BOONE 9 

with the roaming bands of Indians. Their course lay 
through a portion of Tennessee, where everything 
grand and picturesque in mountain scenery, or ro- 
mantic and dehghtful in deep and sheltered valleys, 
existed. They found an exuberant soil, from which 
sprang giant forests. They saw the rich cane-brakes 
of Kentucky. To the hunter, here seemed a ter- 
restrial paradise, for it abounded in all kinds of 
game. 

Disgusted as Boone was with the growing fash- 
ions, and the oppressions of the rich in North Caro- 
lina, he was prepared to listen with eagerness and 
delight to the glowing descriptions of Finley, and 
his mind was soon made up to see this delectable 
land. But it was not till after the lapse of many 
months that arrangements could be made for the ex- 
ploration. A party of six was formed, and Boone 
was chosen the leader. His companions were John 
Finley, John Stewart, Joseph Holden, James Mon- 
cey, and William Cool. In the language of Filson, 
to whom Boone dictated this part of his life, " It was 
on the 1st of May, in the year 1769, that I resigned 
my domestic happiness for a time, and left my family 
and peaceable habitation on the Yadkin River, in 
North Carolina, to wander through the wilderness 
of America, in quest of the country of Kentucky." 
Boone was not unfeeling or indifferent to the do- 
mestic relation. His affectionate wife, who was an 
excellent household manager, kindly and quietly con- 
sented to this separation, and called into requisition 
her skill as a housewife in assisting to provide the 
necessary outfit. He had sons large enough to raise 



lO AMEAICAN BIOGRAPHY 

a crop and manage the business of the farm, under 
the supervision of their industrious mother. 

It was on the 7th of June, 1769, that six men, 
weary and wayworn, were seen winding their way 
up the steep side of a rugged mountain in the wilder- 
ness of Kentucky. Their dress was of the descrip- 
tion usually worn at that period by all forest rangers. 
The outside garment was a hunting shirt, or loose 
open frock, made of dressed deer skins. Leggings 
or drawers, of the same material, covered the lower 
extremities, to which was appended a pair of moc- 
casins for the feet. The cape or collar of the hunt- 
ing shirt, and the seams of the leggings, were 
adorned with fringes. The under garments were of 
coarse cotton. A leathern belt encircled the body; 
on the right side was suspended the tomahawk, to be 
used as a hatchet; on the left side was the hunting 
knife, powder-horn, bullet-pouch, and other ap- 
pendages indispensable for a hunter. Each person 
bore his trusty rifle; and, as the party slowly made 
their toilsome way amid the shrubs, and over the 
logs and loose rocks, that accident had thrown into 
the obscure trail which they were following, each 
man kept a sharp look-out, as though danger or a 
lurking enemy was near. Their garments were 
soiled and rent, the unavoidable result of long travel- 
ling and exposure to the heavy rains that had fallen ; 
for the weather had been stormy and most uncom- 
fortable, and they had traversed a mountainous 
wilderness for several hundred miles. The leader of 
the party was of full size, with a hardy, robust, 
sinewy frame, and keen, piercing, hazel eyes, that 



Daniel boone ii 

glanced with quickness at every object as they passed 
on, now cast forward in the direction they were 
travelling for signs of an old trail, and in the next 
moment directed askance into the dense thicket, or 
into the deep ravine, as if watching some concealed 
enemy. The reader will recognize in this man the 
pioneer Boone, at the head of his companions. 

Towards the time of the setting sun, the party had 
reached the summit of the mountain range, up which 
they had toiled for some three or four hours, and 
which had bounded their prospect to the west during 
the day. Here new and indescribable scenery opened 
to their view. Before them, for an immense distance, 
as if spread out on a map, lay the rich and beautiful 
vales watered by the Kentucky River; for they had 
now reached one of its northern branches. The 
country immediately before them, to use a western 
phrase, was " rolling," and, in places, abruptly hilly; 
but far in the vista was seen a beautiful expanse of 
level country, over which the buffalo, deer, and other 
forest animals, roamed unmolested, while they fed 
on the luxuriant herbage of the forest. The counte- 
nances of the party lighted up with pleasure, con- 
gratulations were exchanged, the romantic tales of 
Finley were confirmed by ocular demonstration, and 
orders were given to encamp for the night in a 
neighboring ravine. In a deep gorge of the moun- 
tain, a large tree had fallen, surrounded by a dense 
thicket, and hidden from observation by the abrupt 
and precipitous hills. This tree lay in a convenient 
position for the back of their camp. Logs were 
placed on the right and left, leaving the front open, 



12 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

where fire might be kindled against another log ; and 
for shelter from the rains and heavy dews, bark was 
peeled from the linden tree. 

From this point they reconnoitred the country, 
and hunted the buffalo, with which the wilderness 
abounded. This site was on the waters of the Red 
River, one of the principal branches of the Kentucky, 
and, so far as can now be ascertained, within the 
present boundaries of Morgan county. The buffaloes 
were very numerous, so that hundreds might be seen 
in one drove, dispersed in the cane-brakes, feeding 
in the glades, or gathered around the salt licks. 

In this region the party hunted with much success 
till December, without seeing a single red man. Yet, 
to the experienced eyes of Boone and his companions, 
there were signs of the visitation of Indians. The 
Chaonanons, or Shawanoes, had lived and roamed, 
in their savage way, over that part of Kentucky, 
which bordered the Kentucky River at the south, 
near the middle of the seventeenth century, and their 
scattered settlements and hunting grounds extended 
to the Cumberland River, and to the present site of 
Nashville; but history has preserved no authentic 
memorials of the occupancy of that part of Ken- 
tucky * where our pioneers were engaged in hunting. 
Strolling parties of Indian hunters or warriors 
passed over it, but not one Indian village existed in 
all that district, which lay between the Guyandot and 
Kentucky Rivers. 

* Kain-tuck-ee. is a Shawanese word, and signified " at the 
head of the river." See " Trans. Amer. Antiq. Society," Vol. 
I. p. 299. The repeated statement, that it meant " dark and 
bloody ground," is a fiction. 



DANIEL BOONE 1 3 

The Chickasaws possessed that part of the State 
west of the Tennessee River, called the Cherokee, or 
Hogohege River. The Cherokees set up a sort of 
claim to the country, between the Kentucky and 
Cumberland Rivers, as hunting grounds. Whatever 
might be the equity of this claim, it was extinguished 
by a treaty held at Lochaber, in South Carolina, by 
John Stewart, superintendent of Indian affairs, act- 
ing under the auspices of the colony of Virginia. 
This treaty was made on the 5th of October, 1770, 
and, by a subsequent arrangement between the con- 
tracting parties, the boundaries were extended from 
" the head of Louisa [Kentucky] River to its mouth, 
and thence up the Ohio River to the mouth of the 
Great Kenhawa," 

The Shawanoes migrated from the country bor- 
dering on the Atlantic Ocean south of James River, 
where they were found in the early part of the seven- 
teenth century; but they were afterwards subjugated 
by the Iroquois, or Five Nations, and driven to the 
north of the Ohio River, in the latter part of the 
same century. The Iroquois, by a pretended right of 
conquest, claimed the country, as they did all the 
lands of the tribes they conquered, and at the treaty 
of Fort Stanwix, in 1768, they ceded their claim, 
such as it was, south of the Ohio River to Great 
Britain. Hence Boone and his associates did not in- 
trude upon the rights of any Indian nation, as these 
rights were then understood. 

For convenience of hunting, and that their obser- 
vations might be extended over a much larger dis- 
trict, in December the explorers divided themselves 



14 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

into parties. Boone and Stewart formed one party, 
and, on the 22d day of the month, they were near 
the banks of the main Kentucky River. Filson, in 
his attempt to record Boone's story, says, " At the 
dechne of day, near Kentucky River, as we de- 
scended the brow of a small hill, a number of Indians 
rushed out of a thick cane-brake upon us and made 
us prisoners. The time of our sorrow was now ar- 
rived, and the scene fully opened." The Indians 
plundered them of what supplies they had, and de- 
tained them seven days. 

Boone knew too well the character of Indians to 
manifest fear, uneasiness, or a desire to escape. The 
savages treated them with rude hospitality, intend- 
ing, doubtless, after washing all the white blood out 
by the customary ablution, to adopt them as mem- 
bers of the tribe. At night, the party lodged by a 
large fire in a thick cane-brake. It is evident from 
Boone's story, defective as it is, that the Indians had 
no apprehension of an escape. They took no pains 
for security, set no watch, but all slept soundly. The 
seventh night had arrived, and Boone, while pretend- 
ing to sleep, was forming his plans. The greatest 
caution was necessary lest the savages should awake. 
Any attempt to run away, where kindness and lenity 
have been shown to a captive, is a mortal offence to 
an Indian. Boone gently awakened Stewart, and, 
in a low whisper and a sign, gave the intimation 
necessary. Having secured their guns, and a few 
trifling articles, the two hunters left their captors in 
a profound slumber, and successfully made their es- 
cape. It is obvious, from the circumstances narrated, 
that this was a mere hunting party; for, had the 



DANIEL BOONE 1 5 

savages been on the " war-path," they would have 
guarded their prisoners with greater vigilance, nor 
could they have made so safe a retreat. 

While wandering in darkness through the woods, 
the feelings of Boone and Stewart may be better 
imagined than described. They slept no more, but 
pursued their course all the next day in as direct a 
line and with as much rapidity as the dense forest 
and canes would permit, towards their old hunting 
camp, where they expected to meet their companions. 
But to their surprise and distress, they found it plun- 
dered; and their friends, Finley and his associates, 
as they supposed, had left the country. Of this party 
nothing more remains either in history or tradition. 
No intimation has been given, whether they returned 
to North Carolina or were taken prisoners by the 
Indians. Boone and his companion continued their 
hunting, but with more caution; their ammunition 
began to fail, and their adventure with the Indians 
increased their vigilance by day, and directed them 
to the most obscure retreats at night. 

Early in January, 1770, the forms of two men 
were discerned in the distant forest. Whether they 
were hostile Indians, or their former associates, could 
not be determined at the first view, but they grasped 
their rifles, and took to the trees for shelter and fur- 
ther observation. It was evident that they had been 
observed, for the strangers approached cautiously 
and slowly, exhibiting signs that they were white 
men and friends. But this did not give the desired 
relief, for the wily Indian will make such signs of 
friendship and recognition, to throw his enemy off 
his guard. Boone gave the customary challenge, 



1 6 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

" Holloa, strangers! who are you? " The response 
was, " White men and friends." Judge of the sur- 
prise and delight of Boone upon embracing his 
brother. Squire Boone, and another adventurer from 
North Carolina, with tidings of his family and sup- 
plies of powder and lead. This party had left the 
settlement on the Yadkin, for the purposes of explor- 
ing these western wilds, engaging in a winter's hunt, 
and finding, if alive, Daniel and his associates. They 
had seen repeatedly the *' signs " and encampments 
of white men, and, only an hour before the meeting, 
had stumbled on their last night's camp. 

Shortly after this happy event, Daniel Boone and 
Stewart were on a second excursion, at some dis- 
tance from their camp, when they were again at- 
tacked by a party of Indians, and Stewart was shot 
and scalped, while Boone succeeded in effecting his 
escape. None of the documents or reminiscences 
give any further particulars. The man, who came 
to the wilderness with Squire Boone, went into the 
woods and was missing, or, as Boone supposed, was 
lost in the woods ; but, after several days of anxious 
search, they concluded he had taken this method to 
desert them, and return to the settlement. Long 
afterwards, a decayed skeleton and some fragments 
of clothing were found near a swamp, and, as this 
man never reached his friends, the supposition was 
that he perished at that place. But whether he fell 
a victim to savage cruelty or hunger, was never 
known.* 

* The story, in some of the " Lives of Boone," that this 
man was killed and devoured by wolves, is a fiction. The 
wolves of the western forests rarely attack an I kill a man. 
They are bountifully supplied with game. 



DANIEL BOONE 1 7 

The brothers, thus left alone in this vast wilder- 
ness, were not oppressed with despondency or fear; 
nor were they indolent. They hunted by day, pre- 
pared the skins of the animals they killed for future 
use, cooked their game, and sang and talked by their 
bright camp-fires at night, and built a comfortable 
cabin as a shelter from the storms and frosts of win- 
ter. They were in want of many necessaries. Cloth- 
ing and moccasins were easily made from dressed 
deer-skins. With bread and salt they had learned to 
dispense, but powder and lead were indispensable, 
and they fancied that horses would be of essential 
service. During the winter, they saw no Indians, 
and continued unmolested. 

As Spring approached, it was decided that the 
younger brother, Squire Boone, should return to 
North Carolina for supplies, while Daniel remained 
to protect the peltry and increase the stock. On the 
1st of May, the brothers gave to each other the part- 
ing hand. Squire took up the line of march of more 
than five hundred miles, to the Yadkin settlement, 
while Daniel was left in the cabin to his own solitary 
reflections. He thus remained alone in a vast wilder- 
ness, without bread, salt, or sugar, without the so- 
ciety of a fellow-creature, without the company of a 
horse, or even a dog, often the affectionate com- 
panions of the lone hunter. In reviewing this period 
of his life, he said, " I confess I never before was un- 
der greater necessity of exercising philosophy and 
fortitude. A few days I passed uncomfortably. The 
idea of a beloved wife and family, and their anxiety 
on account of my absence and exposed situation, 
made sensible impressions on my heart." 

A. B,, VOL. I. — 2 



l8 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

To relieve himself from the oppressive feelings of 
loneliness, he made a long tour of observation to the 
southwest, and explored the country along the waters 
of Salt and Green Rivers. The Indians were again 
abroad ; and on liis return he saw, by undoubted 
signs, that they had visited his cabin during his ab- 
sence. Frequently at night he would retire to the 
woods, and lie in the cane-brake, without fire, that he 
might escape the vigilant observation of the wily 
savages. 

On the 27th of July, his brother returned from 
North Carolina, and they met at the old camp on 
Red River. He rode one horse, and led another 
heavily laden with the necessaries required. The 
intelligence from his family was cheering. They 
were in good health and in comfortable circum- 
stances. 

Convinced that small parties of Indians were 
roaming over the country, hunting the buffalo, 
Boone and his brother well knew that two men, how- 
ever skilful in the use of their weapons, could hardly 
escape if attacked ; that their horses would betray 
them, and be tempting objects of Indian cupidity. 
Hence they resolved to leave that part of Kentucky 
and explore the country on Cumberland River. 
Here they found the hills more abrupt, the soil of an 
inferior quality, and the game less plentiful. They 
continued their exploration over a large district, be- 
tween Cumberland and Greene Rivers, where the 
timber was scattering and stunted in growth, the 
surface uneven, and abounding in what are called 
sink-holes, or depressions produced in a cavernous 



DANIEL BOONE 1 9 

limestone country by the sinking of the earth, from 
the action of water after heavy rains. They con- 
tinued on the waters of the Cumberland region until 
march, 1771, when they returned in a northeastern 
direction to the Kentucky River, where the soil ap- 
peared more fertile, and more heavily timbered. 
Here they resolved to fix the site of their projected 
settlement. 

Having packed up as much peltry as their horses 
could carry, the}^ departed for their families on the 
Yadkin, resolved to return and make this new coun- 
try their future home. Daniel had been absent two 
years, during which time he had tasted neither bread 
nor salt, nor had he seen any other human being than 
his travelling companions, and the Indians who had 
taken him prisoner. 

At the same period that Boone and his associates 
were exploring Kentucky, there were parties, with- 
out the knowledge of each other, on the waters of 
the Cumberland and Tennessee Rivers. In June, 
1769, a company of about twenty men, from North 
Carolina and Western Virginia, assembled on 
Reedy Creek, a branch of New River, with their 
horses and equipments for an exploring and hunting 
tour. They departed, on the 2d of June, for the 
country of Tennessee, passed over the dividing ridge 
to Holston River, thence to Powell's Valley, and 
through the Gap of Cumberland Mountain to the 
river of the same name, into what is now Wayne 
county, in Kentucky, where they made a camp for 
a general rendezvous, to which each party was to 
return and make a deposit every five weeks. They 



20 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

dispersed in small parties, and in different directions, 
and hunted throughout that district. At a later 
period, the whole party moved in a southwestern 
direction down the country, along the head waters 
of Roaring River and Caney Fork. After hunting 
for eight or nine months, they returned in April, 
1770. The same year, a company of ten hunters 
built two boats and two trapping canoes, loaded 
them with furs, venison, and bear's meat, and went 
down the Cumberland, Ohio, and Mississippi Rivers, 
to Natchez, where they disposed of their venison 
and peltry. At the French Licks, now Nashville, 
they saw immense herds of buffaloes and other 
game, and an old fort, unoccupied, which they sup- 
posed had been erected by the Cherokees. Here 
had been a stockade and trading-post for several 
years, by a company of Frenchmen from Kaskaskia, 
at the head of which was Timothy de Monbrun. 

In 1 77 1, Casper Mansco, who had twice visited 
the Valley of the Cumberland, came out again in 
company with James Knox, John Montgomery, 
Isaac Bledsoe, and several others. They encamped 
on Russell's Creek, a branch of Powell's River, 
where they wintered. The next season, they trav- 
ersed the country down the waters of the Cumber- 
land, to the region north of Nashville, and into the 
" barrens " of Kentucky. Here they met with an- 
other body of hunters, and soon after returned to 
New River. This party passed through the same 
district of country, that, a few weeks after they had 
left it, was visited by Daniel and Squire Boone. 
From the period of their absence, they obtained the 
name of the " long hunters." 



CHAPTER II 

Boone attempts a Removal to Kentucky. — Attacked by the 
Indians. — Returns to Clinch River. — Sent by Governor Dun- 
more to bring in a Party of Surveyors from Kentucky. — 
Commands three Garrisons in Dunmore's War. — Commis- 
sioned to mark out a Road for the Emigrants. — Erects a 
Fort at Boonesborough. — Indians hostile. — Removes his 
Family to Kentucky. — Lexington. — Simon Kenton. — William 
Whitley. — Political Convention. — Capture of the Daughters 
of Boone, and their Rescue. — Indian Mode of Fighting. — 
Attack on Harrod's, Boone's, and Logan's Stations. 

Anxious as Boone was to remove his family to 
the hunting-grounds of Kentucky, more than two 
years elapsed before the necessary arrangements for 
the enterprise were effected. He sold his farm on 
the Yadkin, and made his preparations, having per- 
suaded his wife and children to accompany him. 
This we might regard as a remarkable instance of 
indifference and hardihood, did we not know that 
Daniel Boone was as mild, humane, and affectionate, 
as he was bold and fearless, and did we not know 
that the wives of our western pioneers are as cour- 
ageous, and as ready to enter on the line of march 
to plant the germ of a new settlement, as their 
husbands. 

On the 25th of September, 1773, the two brothers 
bade adieu to their friends and neighbors on the 
Yadkin, and entered on the perilous task of travers- 

21 



22 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

ing; the wilderness to the banks of the Kentucky. A 
drove of pack-horses carried their bedding, clothing, 
provisions, and other necessaries ; a number of milch 
cows furnished refreshment for the children ; and 
these cows, with some young cattle and swine, were 
intended to constitute the herd of the western wil- 
derness. At Powell's Valley, through which their 
route lay, they were joined by five families and forty 
men, all well-armed. This accession of strength 
gave them courage, and the party advanced full of 
hope and confident of success. At night they en- 
camped, as is still the custom of emigrating parties 
throughout the vast West. 

The camping-place is near some spring or water- 
course; temporary shelters are made by placing 
poles in a sloping position, with one end resting on 
the ground, the other elevated on forks. ' On these, 
tent cloth, prepared for the purpose, or, as in case 
of these pioneers, articles of bed covering, are 
stretched. The fire is kindled in front against a 
fallen tree or log, towards which the feet are placed 
while sleeping. If the ground is wet, twigs or small 
branches, with leaves and dry grass, are laid under 
the beds. Each family reposes under a separate 
cover, and the clothing worn by day is seldom re- 
moved at night. Provided with such accommoda- 
tions, Boone and his family never imagined that they 
were less happy than while reposing in the cabin 
they had left on the Yadkin. 

The three principal ranges of mountains, over 
which their route lay, were then designated l)y the 
names they still bear, Powell's, Wallen's. and Cum- 



DANIEL BOONE 23 

berland. The last has a singular and romantic 
opening, called " The Gap," through which a well 
constructed road now passes. This Gap is near the 
junction of Virginia, Kentucky, and Tennessee. 
Over the other mountains nature has formed passes, 
which render their ascent not difficult. The trail 
marked out by the brothers on their return to North 
Carolina was found and followed. The party had 
passed Wallen's Ridge, and was approaching the 
Cumberland Gap. Seven young men, who had 
charge of the cattle, had fallen into the rear some 
five or six miles from the main body, when, unex- 
pectedly, they were attacked by a party of Indians. 
Six were killed ; the seventh, though wounded, 
made his escape, and the cattle were dispersed in the 
wilderness. This calamity happened on the 6th of 
October, and proved a sad and afflicting event to the 
pioneer ; for his eldest son, James, a youth of about 
seventeen years of age, was one of the slain. The 
party in front heard the alarm, returned to the res- 
cue of their friends and property, drove off the 
Indians, and buried the dead. 

This calamity so disheartened and distressed the 
emigrants, that they gave up the expedition for the 
present, and returned back to the settlements on 
Clinch River, in the southwestern part of Virginia, 
a retreat of forty miles from the place of attack. 
Boone and his brother, with a few others, would 
have gone forward ; but, having a large majority 
against them, they felt bound to submit. Here 
Boone remained till June, 1774, when a messenger 
from Governor Dunmore arrived in the settlement 



24 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

with a request from him that Daniel Boone would 
immediately go to the wilderness of Kentucky, and 
conduct from thence a party of surveyors, who were 
believed to be in danger from Indian hostilities. 
Boone was now in the fortieth year of his age, in 
the full vigor of manhood, with physical powers 
capable of great endurance, and a mind thoroughly 
trained by experience. In this enterprise he was 
associated with Michael Stoner, another pioneer, 
who, in 1767, had hunted on Cumberland River, 
near the Hermitage, and who had explored the Cum- 
berland Valley and the southern part of Kentucky. 
The enterprise was accomplished after encountering 
much difficulty. Of the journey no incidents what- 
ever have been preserved, except the very imperfect 
statement of Boone himself, from which we learn 
that from the time he left home till he returned 
were sixty-two days, in which he travelled on foot 
eight hundred miles. 

These surveyors had been sent out by the Gov- 
ernor some months previously, but longer stay was 
considered dangerous. Of this party, some of whom 
went to Kentucky the preceding year, were Thomas 
Bullett, Hancock Taylor, James Harrod, James, 
Robert, and George McAfee, and others. They 
descended the Ohio in canoes to the present site of 
Louisville, where they separated. Taylor and the 
McAfees went up the Kentucky River to Drennon's 
Lick, where, as at all the western salt springs, they 
saw immense numbers of buffaloes, deer, and other 
game, struggling and fighting for salt; and the 
paths made by these animals, in going and return- 



DANIEL BOONE 2$ 

ing, were beaten like travelled roads, and by the 
hunters called streets. The party took one of these 
roads, or traces, as they were more frequently called, 
which the buffaloes had made through the otherwise 
impassable cane-brakes, until they reached the Ken- 
tucky River, near the present site of Frankfort, 
Here they surveyed six hundred acres of land, being 
the first survey on the Kentucky River. They fol- 
lowed the ridge up that river, crossing the stream 
seven times, and making surveys and locations until 
they reached the mountains near the forks of the 
river; and from thence they returned through 
Powell's Valley, and across the mountains, to their 
friends in Botetourt county, Virginia. 

Another party of surveyors went to Kentucky in 
the Spring of 1774, landed at Louisville, and trav- 
elled up the Kentucky River on the north side to 
Elkhorn, and on the south side to the present site 
of Danville. This was the party for which Boone 
and Stoner were sent. During the same season, 
James Harrod led out a company from the Monon- 
gahela, who descended the Ohio River in canoes, 
and thence up the Kentucky River to the present 
site of Harrodsburg, where they erected a log cabin, 
said to be the first one built for a family residence 
in Kentucky. 

While Boone was gone to Kentucky, the threaten- 
ing appearances of the Shawanoes and other Indians, 
northwest of the Ohio River, grew into open hostili- 
ties. The militia were called out, and Boone was 
appointed to the command of three contiguous gar- 
risons on the frontier, with the commission of cap- 



26 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

tain. The campaign terminated with the battle of 
Point Pleasant, at the junction of the Great Ken- 
hawa and the Ohio Rivers; the severest and blood- 
iest battle ever fought with the Indians in Virginia. 
The colonial trqops consisted of eleven hundred men, 
in three regiments, under the chief command of 
General Andrew Lewis. The Indians, who were 
more numerous than the whites, were commanded 
by the celebrated Cornstalk. The loss of the Vir- 
ginians was seventy-five killed and one hundred and 
forty wounded. Cornstalk was the great chief of 
the Shawanese confederacy, and possessed talents 
and courage equal to those of any Indian chief. 

Hostilities having ceased, the militia were dis- 
charged, and Boone returned to his family on Clinch 
River, and spent the following winter in hunting. 
The reports of Boone and others of the fertile lands 
in Kentucky excited certain persons in North Caro- 
lina to form a company, at the head of which was 
Richard Henderson, and to effect a purchase of the 
Cherokees, who they supposed held the Indian title 
south of the Kentucky River. After various at- 
tempts and failures at negotiation, the plan having 
been matured, they employed Daniel Boone to attend 
the proposed treaty at the Indian town of Watauga, 
situated on a south branch of the Holston. The 
object of the company in employing Boone was, to 
ascertain correctly the situation and quality of the 
tract in question. The purchase was successfully 
made, so far as the Indians were concerned; but 
the company was opposed by the authority of Vir- 
ginia, which claimed by charter this country in the 



DANIEL BOONE 2/ 

west. Nor did the British or the colonial govern- 
ments regard any purchase of the Indians valid, 
when made by private persons. 

After a long period of litigation, the matter was 
compromised by granting to the company certain 
lands on Green River. But the company, not aware 
of the defect of their title, proceeded to make ar- 
rangements for its survey and settlement, and Cap- 
tain Boone was regarded as the proper person to 
conduct the enterprise. A road had to be explored, 
marked, and opened, to which service Boone was 
appointed, with a company of men well-armed. 
The route was from the settlement on the Holston 
to the Kentucky River ; much of the way was diffi- 
cult. Abrupt hills to climb, thick cane-brakes and 
dense forests to penetrate, and exposure to attacks 
from hostile Indians, were amongst the difficulties 
to be encountered. The party had arrived within 
fifteen miles of Boonesborough, when they were 
fired on by the savages; two were killed, and two 
wounded. This was on the 226. of March, 1775. 
Three days afterwards they were again attacked ; 
two more of the party were killed, and three 
wounded. 

A site having been selected on the bank of the 
Kentucky River, on the ist of April they commenced 
erecting a stockade fort, which was called Boones- 
borough. The Indians, stung to madness that white 
people should erect buildings on their hunting- 
grounds, repeated their attacks, but without success ; 
for, on the 14th of June, the works were so far com- 
pleted as to afford adequate defence. This fort was 



28 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

built in the form of a parallelogram, and was about 
two hundred and fifty feet long, and one hundred 
and seventy-five feet broad. Houses of hewn logs, 
built in a square form, projected from each corner, 
adjoining which were stockades for a short distance; 
and the remaining space on the four sides, except 
the gateways, was filled up with cabins, erected of 
rough logs, placed close together, which made a sure 
defence. The gates, or doorways, were on opposite 
sides, constructed of slabs of timber, split several 
inches in thickness, and hung with stout wooden 
hinges. 

The fort having been completed, Captain Boone 
left the men to guard it and prepare ground for a 
crop, while he returned to the settlement, on Clinch 
River, for his family. Other stations were made 
the same year. 

It is here proper to inquire about the Indian 
claims to Kentucky, and whether there was any un- 
fair or improper intrusion by Captain Boone and 
his associates on their territories. We have already 
seen, that whatever claim the Cherokees possessed 
they had transferred to Henderson and company. 
The Shawanoes, more than a century before, had 
roamed over Kentucky, but they do not appear to 
have been the original possessors of the country in 
the Indian sense. Their ancestors came from the 
southeast, where they resided when the Europeans 
first came to Virginia and Carolina. At what period 
they migrated to the northwest is uncertain. 

A branch of the tribe was in Pennsylvania in 
1680, and sent a deputation to the treaty of William 



DANIEL BOONE 29 

Penn. They were attacked and conquered by the 
Six Nations, and driven from Kentucky to the 
country northwest of the Ohio, then called the Oua- 
hachc, and their cousins, the Miamis, allowed them 
to occupy a part of Illinois and Indiana. 

The Six Nations claimed territorial sovereignty 
over all the countries they conquered from the other 
tribes, and by virtue of this right, such as it was, 
they conveyed the whole district along and south of 
the Ohio, from the Cherokee River, (now the Ten- 
nessee, ") to the eastern mountains, at the treaty of 
Fort Stanwix, in 1768. Hence it appears, that, ac- 
cording to Indian ideas of title and possession, their 
claims to Kentucky had passed over to the British 
government before the first visit of Boone. Again, 
in the treaty with the Shawanoes, at the close of 
Dunmore's war, in 1774, they relinquished all claims 
to Kentucky. In these treaties with the English, no 
coercion appears to have been employed. The 
Indians, for a valuable consideration, voluntarily re- 
linquished all their supposed claims. The Dela- 
wares, Miamis, Piankeshaws, Kickapoos, and other 
bands from the country northwest of the Ohio, who 
continued for several years their marauding expedi- 
tions across the Ohio, never set up any claims to the 
territory in question, other than the common right 
of hunting wild animals wherever they could be 
caught. Hence, if in any part of the United States 
the white people had a fair and equitable right of 
settlement, it was in Kentucky. 

On his return to Clinch River, Captain Boone 
soon made the necessary preparations for the re- 



30 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

moval of his family. In his story, as told by Filson, 
he says, " We arrived safe, without any other diffi- 
culty than such as are common to this passage, my 
wife and daughters being the first white women that 
ever stood on the banks of Kentucky River." 

Shortly after the arrival of Mrs. Boone and her 
family, the infant colony was reinforced by the ar- 
rival of three families more; Messrs. McGary, 
Hogan, and Denton, with their wives, reached 
Boonesborough. These families, with a number of 
men, making in all, in the language of the times, 
" twenty-seven guns," had started in company with 
Captain Boone from the settlement on Clinch River. 
On arriving at the head of Dick's River, a branch 
of the Kentucky, which interlocks with Salt and 
Green Rivers, Boone, with twenty-one men, went 
to Boonesborough, leaving his associates to find 
their way, by his directions, through the forest. 
This party, having got bewildered, left the horses 
and cattle with James Ray, John Denton, and John 
Hays, all youths from fifteen to eighteen years of 
age, while they attempted to find the trail. McGary, 
who commanded this party, finding no passage for 
the families and pack-horses about the junction of 
Dick's River with the main stream, owing to the 
lofty and precipitous cliffs, set off on foot to explore 
the way, and obtain a pilot. 

He soon fell upon a trail, that led him to Har- 
rod's Station, where he obtained the aid of James 
Harlan, as a pilot for the families. After three 
weeks had elapsed, the boys with the cattle were 
found, and conducted in safety to the fort. These 



DANIEL BOONE 31 

same families were with Captain Boone in his first 
attempt to remove to Kentucky, in 1773, and each 
had lost an eldest son by the attack of the Indians 
near Cumberland Gap. 

The summer of 1775 deserves notice as the period 
of the establishment of other stations, and the ar- 
rival of many pioneers in the new territory. It is 
certainly singular, that, at the time of the outbreak 
of the revolutionary war, when it might seem that 
every arm able to strike a blow was specially need-ed 
for the defence of the Atlantic colonies, the coloni- 
zation of the vast region on the waters of the Mis- 
sissippi should have commenced. Surely wisdom 
and strength beyond that of man were concerned in 
the enterprise at such an eventful crisis. Harrod's 
Station and Logan's Fort, not far from Boonesbor- 
ough, were at this time established. A party of 
hunters and land explorers were encamped on a de- 
lightful and fertile tract of country, on the head 
waters of the Elkhorn, when some emigrant, just 
arrived in the western wilderness, brought the news 
of the opening scenes of the war in the battle at Lex- 
ington. Patriotic feelings were instantly excited, 
and the name was transferred to the encampment as 
the embryo of a future city. Louisville had become 
a point of rendezvous for parties, who came down 
the Ohio in boats and canoes. 

Among the numerous emigrants, who came to 
Kentucky this year, and who were soon identified 
with its history, were Simon Kenton, Colonel Ben- 
jamin Logan, John Floyd, William Whitley, and 
George Rogers Clarke. Simon Kenton was born in 



32 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

Fauquier county, Virginia, of poor but respectable 
parents, in 1755. At the age of nineteen he could 
neither read nor write; but he was of large size, 
tall, erect, robust, athletic, and of great energy. 
The indecision of a sweetheart, and the jealousy of 
a rival, led to a personal combat, in which his antag- 
onist was felled to the ground; and Kenton sup- 
posed he was killed. Alarmed at the consequences, 
he fled to Western Virginia, and changed his name 
to that of Butler. In that region, and in the neigh- 
borhood of Fort Pitt, he became distinguished as an 
expert woodsman, and was employed as a spy. He 
was a ranger and a spy in Lord Dunmore's campaign 
against the Indians, in 1774, and was present at the 
signing of the treaty. 

In February, 1775, in company with two other 
men, he descended the Ohio, in a canoe, to the place 
where the town of Augusta is now situated, and 
spent the season in hunting along the waters of the 
Licking. Eventually he became identified with the 
history of Kentucky, and the Indian wars of the 
northwest. He was taken prisoner by the Indians, 
and repeatedly sentenced to be burnt. He ran the 
gauntlet thirteen times at different Indian villages. 
At one time he was tied to the stake, and a fire was 
kindled around him ; but he was rescued by the no- 
torious Simon Girty. He was with Colonel Clarke 
in the conquest of Illinois, and participated in 
Wayne's victory. After the treaty at Greenville, he 
settled in Ohio, where he sustained the character of 
a worthy citizen, was respected and beloved by all 
who knew him, and died some few years afterwards, 
with the faith and triumph of a sincere Christian. 



DANIEL BOONE 33 

William Whitley was a native of Rockland 
county, Virginia, born in 1749, and brought up to 
hard labor on a farm. He had very little education 
from books ; but his corporeal powers were fully de- 
veloped, and he exhibited mental faculties of a high 
order. Having married Esther Fuller, in the month 
of January, 1775, and commenced housekeeping in 
a backwoods cabin, being in high health and de- 
pendent on his labor for a subsistence, he told his 
wife one day, that he had heard a fine report about 
Kentucky, and he thought they could get a living 
there with less hard work than in Virginia. " Then, 
Billy, if I were you, I would go and see," was the 
encouraging reply of the young bride. In two days 
she had his clothes in order, and he was on his way 
to Kentucky, in company with George R. Clarke.* 
Such were the men and women, who were the 
pioneers of this great and flourishing State; and 
such are the men and women now building their 
cabins along the vales of Oregon. 

The period of these emigrations, four hundred 
miles beyond the frontier settlements of Virginia 
and the Carolinas, was an eventful one in the history 
of our country. Hostilities had commenced at Lex- 
ington and Concord, and the Atlantic colonies were 
buckling on their armor for the deadly conflict with 
the mother country. British power and influence 
controlled most of the Indian tribes of the continent, 
and British gold gave terrible energy to the toma- 
hawk and scalping-knife. The western pioneers 
were deceived by the treaty of Lord Dunmore, in 

* Marshall's " Kentucky," Vol. I. p. 41. 
A. B., VOL. I. — 3 



34 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

1774, and flattered themselves that they could settle 
the country unmolested. But, in twelve months after 
that treaty, the Indians of the south and of the 
northwest were supplied with arms and ammunition 
by the traders at the British posts on the Mississippi, 
Wabash, and northern lakes, and aided and encour- 
aged in hostile aggressions on the infant settlements 
of Kentucky. There was an unseen hand that di- 
rected the events of that period. An unseen, but 
infinite eye watched over the interests of the Great 
Valley of the west. The settlement of Kentucky 
led to the conquest of the British posts in Illinois 
and Indiana, in 1778, and eventually threw the wide 
valleys of the west under control of the American 
Union. 

In connection with the events of 1775, we must 
not overlook the first political convention ever held 
in the Western Valley for the formation of a free 
government. At this period, the validity of the title 
of Henderson and Company to the Indian lands in 
Kentucky was not called in question by the settlers ; 
and so many were the explorers, and so eager were 
the people to secure land, that, by the ist of Decem- 
ber, more than five hundred thousand acres had 
been entered in the office of the company. Leases 
were issued by " The Proprietors of the Colony of 
Transylvania, in America," by which the grantors 
were to receive " one moiety of all gold, silver, cop- 
per, lead, and sulphur mines;" and such rent as 
might be agreed upon, was to be paid " yearly and 
every year for ever." Had the title of this company 
been valid, a large portion of Kentucky would have 



DANIEL BOONE 35 

been subject to rent, paid to the heirs of these pro- 
prietors for ever. The decision against the rights 
of the company provided also for the settlers, by 
which their improvements and rights of settlement 
were secured. Acting, however, as they did, under 
the belief of the validity of the company's title, in 
the course of this year a convention of eighteen dele- 
gates, chosen by the people, assembled at Boones- 
borough, and, after acknowledging Henderson and 
company as lawful proprietors, " established courts 
of justice, and rules for proceedings therein ; also a 
militia law, a law for the preservation of game, and 
for appointing civil and militia officers." 

With the exception of one attack from a small 
party of Indians, in the month of December, in 
which one man was killed and another wounded, the 
winter and spring of 1776 wore away without any 
particular incident. The Indians, though by no 
means friendly, made no direct attack on the sta- 
tions. The game of the woods produced an unfail- 
ing supply of provisions; the brush was cleared 
away and the timber " deadened " around the sta- 
tions, preparatory to the summer's crop. Whenever 
any of the community had occasion to pass into the 
woods beyond rifle-shot from the fort, as the busi- 
ness of hunting and feeding their horses and cattle 
in the canes made it necessary, their steps were 
stealthy, their eyes glanced in every direction, and 
the faithful rifle was held in a position in which it 
could be used in the quickest manner for defence. 
The opening of Spring brought many other emi- 
grants to the country, amongst whom were Colonel 



36 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

Richard Callaway (an intimate friend of Boone) 
and his family, and also the family of Benjamin 
Logan, who had returned for them the preceding 
autumn. 

On the 14th of July, 1776, Betsey Callaway, her 
sister Frances, and Jemima Boone, a daughter of 
Captain Boone, the two last about fourteen years 
of age, carelessly crossed the river opposite to 
Boonesborough, in a canoe, at a late hour in the 
afternoon. The trees and shrubs on the opposite 
bank were thick, and came down to the water's edge ; 
the girls, unconscious of danger, were playing and 
splashing the water with the paddles, until the canoe, 
floating with the current, drifted near the shore. 
Five stout Indians lay there concealed, one of whom, 
noiseless and stealthy as the serpent, crawled down 
the bank until he reached the rope that hung from 
the bow, turned its course up the stream, and in a 
direction to be hidden from the view of the fort. 
The loud shrieks of the captured girls were heard, 
but too late for their rescue. The canoe, their only 
means of crossing, was on the opposite shore, and 
none dared to risk the chance of swimming the river, 
under the impression that a large body of savages 
was concealed in the woods. Boone and Callaway 
were both absent, and night set in before their re- 
turn and arrangements could be made for pursuit. 
We subjoin the narrative of Colonel Floyd, who 
was one of the party, remarking that this story was 
narrated to the writer by one of the captured party, 
twenty-eight years since, in terms substantially the 
same. 



DANIEL BOONE 37 

Colonel Floyd says, " Next morning by daylight 
we were on the track, but found they had totally 
prevented our following them, by walking some dis- 
tance apart through the thickest canes they could 
find. We observed their course, and on which side 
we had left their sign, and travelled upwards of 
thirty miles. We then imagined that they would be 
less cautious in travelling, and made a turn in order 
to cross their track, and had gone but a few miles 
before we found their tracks in a buffalo path ; pur- 
sued and overtook them on going about ten miles, 
just as they were kindling a fire to cook. Our study 
had been more to get the prisoners, without giving 
the Indians time to murder them after they discov- 
ered us, than to kill them. 

" We discovered each other nearly at the same 
time. Four of us fired, and all rushed on them, 
which prevented them from carrying away anything 
except one shot gun without ammunition. Mr, 
Boone and myself had a pretty fair shoot, just as 
they began to move off. I am well convinced 
I shot one through, and the one he shot dropped his 
gun; mine had none. The place was very thick 
with canes, and being so much elated on recovering 
the three little broken-hearted girls prevented our 
making further search. We sent them off without 
their moccasins, and not one of them with so much 
as a knife or a tomahawk." 

It was now known that parties of hostile Indians 
were prowling through the forests, that their spies 
were watching each station, and that dangers were 
thickening fast over the infant settlements. In cul- 



38 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHV 

tivating their corn, or gathering in the harvest, 
guards were stationed, while the workmen labored 
in the field. 

The Indian method of besieging a fort, village, 
or even a single cabin, is peculiar. They are seldom 
seen in any considerable force. They lie concealed 
in the bushes and weeds, or behind stumps and trees ; 
they waylay the path, or the field, and in a stealthy 
manner cut off any persons that pass in their way. 
They will crawl on the ground, or assume and imi- 
tate the noise and appearance of swine, bears, or any 
other animal, in the dark. They will cautiously 
approach the gate or door in the night, and, con- 
cealed behind some object, stealthily and patiently 
watch for some one to pass out, when, with the 
arrow or the musket, they will cut him down, tear 
off his scalp, and disappear in the forest. Occasion- 
ally, as if to produce a panic, and throw their ene- 
mies ofif their guard, they will rush forward to the 
palisades, or walls, with fearful audacity, yelling 
frightfully, and even attempt to set fire to the build- 
ings, or beat down the gateway. Sometimes they 
will make a furious attack on one side, as a feint 
to draw out the garrison, and then suddenly assault 
the opposite side. Indians very seldom fight when 
exposed in the open field. They take to the trees 
or other objects for protection. They are not brave, 
but cunning and wary; not cool and calculating, 
but sly and treacherous. Such was the enemy that 
assaulted the feeble garrisons of Kentucky. In the 
winter, they usually retreated to their villages and 
hunting-grounds northwest of the Ohio. Had they 
possessed skill, and practised concentration, and 



DANIEL BOONE 39 

unity of action, they could easily have cut off the 
stations in detail. 

During the latter part of the summer, though a 
reinforcement was expected from Virginia, a panic 
prevailed. The land speculators and other adven- 
turers, to the number of nearly three hundred, left 
the country; and it required all the address of the 
calmest and bravest of the pioneers to quell the fears 
of the new-comers, and prevent entire desertion. 
Terror and anxiety were general. Nor were quiet 
and safety restored in the following winter. It will 
be recollected that this was an eventful year through- 
out the American colonies. They had disowned 
allegiance to Great Britain, and announced to the 
world their independence; but the closing part of 
the year was one of the gloomiest periods of the 
American war. 

The whole of the next year, 1777, was a dark and 
discouraging time to the settlements of Kentucky. 
Frequently the stations were assailed by large bodies 
of Indians. Individuals were cut off by a concealed 
foe. Most of the cattle and horses had been de- 
stroyed. Hostilities continued. Early in March, 
an attack was made on Harrodsburg. The invad- 
ing party, on their approach, surprised a party of 
laborers engaged in making a new settlement about 
four miles from the fort, killed one, took another 
prisoner, while the third, James Ray, a youth of 
fifteen, made a fortunate escape, and gave the alarm. 
They then approached, and laid a regular siege to 
the fort in the Indian mode, but were beaten off 
with the loss of one of their number. At Boones- 
borough they killed one man and wounded four 



40 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

others, but were driven away with some loss on 
their part. On the 4th of July, another party, of 
about two hundred, made a second attack on Boones- 
borough, which they besieged for two days, kilHng 
one man, wounding another, and, after a loss of 
seven of their party, raised the siege and retired. 

It was fortunate for the infant settlements, that 
the Indians, who could have brought several hun- 
dred warriors into the field, chose to divide them- 
selves into marauding parties, and attack the sta- 
tions at the same time, so as to prevent one from 
relieving the other. Had they brought their whole 
force against one, they could have made a breach, 
massacred the families, proceeded to the next, and in 
this way cut off every settlement. On the 19th of 
July, about two hundred Indians attacked Colonel 
Logan's Fort, killed two persons and wounded one. 
The loss of the Indians was not ascertained, for 
they always carry off their dead, unless entirely 
routed and suddenly driven from the field. 

At that period, the effective force, according to 
Boone's statement, did not much exceed one hun- 
dred men. Boonesborough had twenty-two, Har- 
rodsburg sixty-five, and Logan's Fort fifteen. A 
reinforcement of forty-five men, from North Caro- 
lina, reached Boonesborough on the 25th of July; 
and on the 20th of August, Captain Bowman ar- 
rived with one hundred men from Virginia. 
Skirmishes continued almost daily; yet the Indians 
felt and acknowledged the superiority of the " Big 
Knives," as the Virginians were called, and became 
more circumspect and wary. 



CHAPTER III 

Arrival of Colonel George Rogers Clark. — His Plan of de- 
fending Kentucky. — Plan adopted by the Grovernor and 
Council of Virginia. — Conquest of Illinois. — Habits of 
Boone. — Is taken Prisoner by the Indians. — Carried to Old 
Chillicothe, and thence to Detroit. — Brought back to the 
Indian Town, and adopted. — His sagacious Policy. — Escapes, 
and returns to Boonesborough. — Excursion to the Indian 
Country. — Siege of Boonesborough. 

At this period, Colonel George Rogers Clark, 
who then bore the title of major, was actively en- 
gaged in a well concerted plan for the defence of 
Kentucky. This was no less than the conquest of 
the British posts in the northwest, whence the 
Indians received their supplies and rewards for 
scalps and prisoners. It has been already noticed 
that his first visit to Kentucky was in 1775; and 
from that time he identified himself with its interests 
with an enthusiasm which no speculation in its wild 
lands, nor pecuniary consideration, could have 
awakened. His appearance, as described by Mar- 
shall, was well calculated to attract attention. It 
was rendered particularly agreeable by the manli- 
ness of his deportment, the intelligence of his con- 
versation, the vivacity and boldness of his spirit of 
enterprise, and the determination he expressed of 
becoming an inhabitant o\ the country. He fixed 
on no particular residence, was much in the woods, 

41 



42 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY • 

occasionally visiting the forts and camps, cultivat- 
ing an acquaintance with the people, and acquiring 
accurate and extensive knowledge of the country.* 
At his suggestion, a general meeting of the settlers 
was held at Harrod's station, to consult upon mat- 
ters pertaining to their common interests. Clark 
and a man by the name of Jones were chosen dele- 
gates to the House of Burgesses of Virginia. Ken- 
tucky, at this period, had no representatives; but 
the appointment in this formal manner gave them 
consequence as the agents of the colony. They re- 
mained at Williamsburg after the adjournment, and 
obtained from the Governor and Council a quantity 
of ammunition, which they brought in safety to the 
country. 

Clark saw that the main cause of Indian depreda- 
tions in Kentucky existed in the British posts of 
Detroit, Vincennes, and Kaskaskia. If these could 
be taken, the streams of Indian barbarity, which 
spread desolation through the colony, would be 
dried up, and a counteracting influence be exerted 
over the savages. So strong was this impression, 
that, in the summer of 1777, he sent two trusty 
spies, Moore and Dunn, to reconnoitre those remote 
posts. These emissaries, who went under the guise 
of hunters and traders with the Indians, returned 
successful, having obtained important facts, which 
confirmed Clark in the practicability of his project. 

The plan required the utmost secrecy, and Clark 
never intimated to the Kentucklans his design, nor 
the intelligence he had received. In the month of 
♦Marshall's "Kentucky," Vol. L p. 46. 



DANIEL BOONE 43 

October, he again visited Virginia, and divulged his 
project to Patrick Henry, the Governor, who took 
into his privy council George Wythe, George Mason, 
and Thomas Jefferson. To bring the direct object 
of the expedition before the House of Burgesses 
would defeat the enterprise; but, from that body, 
authority was obtained, and funds were appropri- 
ated, to raise troops for the defence of Kentucky; 
while private and confidential instructions from the 
Governor and Council were given to Clark, author- 
izing him, as a mode of defending Kentucky, to 
attack the British posts on the Wabash and 
Mississippi. 

The boldness of this enterprise, the fortitude and 
perseverance of its prosecution, the secrecy and 
adroitness with which it was managed, and its tri- 
umphant success, render it one of the most re- 
markable incidents of the revolution. The conquest 
of the posts of Kaskaskia, Cahokia, and Vincennes, 
were accomplished in 1778, without the loss of an 
American.* 

During the campaign of Colonel Clark, in Illinois, 
Captain Boone was a prisoner with the Indians. To 
particularize all the services directly and indirectly 
rendered to the settlers, and to emigrants on the 
road, by this old pioneer, would extend this volume 
beyond reasonable dimensions. As dangers thick- 
ened and appearances grew more alarming, as scouts 
came in with rumors of Indians seen here and there, 
and as the hardy and bold woodsmen sat around 

* An accurate account, in detail, of this expedition may be 
seen in Butler's " Kentucky." 



44 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

their camp-fires, with the loaded rifle at hand, re- 
hearsing, for the twentieth time, the tale of noble 
daring, or the hair-breadth escape, Boone would sit 
silent, apparently not heeding the conversation, em- 
ployed in repairing the rents in his hunting shirt 
and leggings, moulding bullets, or cleaning his rifle. 
Yet the eyes of the garrison were upon him. Con- 
cerning " Indian signs," he was an oracle. Some- 
times, with one or two trusty companions, but more 
frequently alone, as night closed in, he would steal 
away noiselessly into the woods, to reconnoitre the 
surrounding wilderness ; and in the daytime stealth- 
ily would he creep along, with his trusty rifle resting 
on his arm, ready for the least sign of danger; his 
keen, piercing eyes glancing into every thicket and 
cane-brake, or watching intently for " signs " of the 
wily enemy. Accustomed to range the country as 
a hunter and a scout, he would frequently meet the 
approaching travellers on the road, and pilot them 
into the settlement, while his rifle supplied them with 
provisions. He was ever more ready to aid the 
community, or engage in public services, than to 
attend to his private interests. 

The people had suffered much for salt. The 
labor and cost of bringing it over the mountains 
on horseback were too great ; and by that mode only 
could they obtain the necessaries which the wilder- 
ness did not furnish. It was decided, after due 
consultation, that thirty men, headed by Captain 
Boone, should take such kettles as could be spared, 
and proceed to the Lower Blue Licks, on Licking 
River, and there manufacture salt. The enterprise 



DANIEL BOONE 45 

was commenced on New Year's day, 1778. Boone 
was commander, scout, and hunter for the party. 
Three men had been despatched to Boonesborough 
with the pack-horses and salt, which they had made, 
when, on the 7th of February, Captain Boone, who 
was engaged in hunting at some distance from the 
Hck, was discovered by a party of Indians, one hun- 
dred and two in number, including two Canadians. 
He attempted to escape, but their swiftest runners 
were on his trail. There was no alternative. He 
was their prisoner. Adept as he was in Indian char- 
acter, he knew how to please and how to foil them. 
This party was on a winter's campaign, an unusual 
movement for Indians, to attack Boonesborough. It 
was a trying time for the pioneer. A fearful re- 
sponsibility rested upon his sagacity and decision. 
After parleying with them, and professing to be 
pleased with their company for eight days, he suc- 
ceeded in gaining their confidence, and obtained 
favorable terms for his men. On their approach to 
the lick, he made signs to the salt-makers to offer 
no resistance, but yield themselves prisoners of war, 
on the promise of generous usage. 

Censure has been cast on Captain Boone for the 
surrender of his men; and at a subsequent period, 
as will be seen, his conduct in this affair was investi- 
gated by a court-martial. He well knew, that, if an 
attack was made on the garrison in their exposed 
and defenceless state, they would be overpowered, 
and the women and children would perish under the 
merciless tomahawk and scalping-knife, or be car- 
ried into a hopeless captivity. He could give the 



46 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

salt-makers no warning that they might flee to the 
fort. The British commander of the northwest, 
Lieutenant-Governor Hamilton, of Detroit, traded 
in human victims. For each prisoner and for each 
scalp rewards were given. Captain Boone, with in- 
tuitive discernment, regarded it a far less evil for 
him and his company to be made prisoners, than to 
risk the almost certain loss of Boonesborough, with 
the destruction of life that would follow. The issue 
proved his foresight. 

Captain Boone says, *' The generous usage the 
Indians had promised before, in my capitulation, 
was afterwards fully complied with, and we pro- 
ceeded with them as prisoners to Old Chillicothe, 
the principal Indian town on Little Miama, where 
we arrived, after an uncomfortable journey in very 
severe weather, on the i8th of February, and re- 
ceived as good treatment as prisoners could expect 
from savages. On the loth day of March follow- 
ing, I and ten of my men were conducted by forty 
Indians to Detroit, where we arrived on the 30th 
day, and were treated by Governor Hamilton, the 
British commander at that post, with great 
humanity." * 

The Governor offered one xiundrea pounds ster- 
ling for his ransom, intending, as he said, to liberate 
him on parole, which the Indians positively refused. 
They fancied, from the contentment he manifested 
as a prisoner, and the interest he seemed to take in 
their affairs, that he would be a valuable acquisition 

* Boone's Narrative by Filson, in Imlay's " Discovery and 
Seltlement of Kentucky," p. 341. 



DANIEL BOONE 47 

to the tribe as a hunter and warrior. They enter- 
tained him well, showed him much affection, but 
persisted in taking him back to their town. A sit- 
uation more vexatious to a spirit like his can hardly 
be imagined ; yet so perfect were his habits of self- 
control, that he betrayed not the least uneasiness in 
presence of his captors. The least attempt to escape 
would have alarmed the Indians, and made them 
vigilant in guarding him. 

Several English gentlemen at Detroit made press- 
ing offers of money and other necessaries, which 
Boone refused, with many thanks for their kindness, 
alleging that he should never have it in his power 
to repay them, but in reality because he suspected 
it was their intention, by such favors, to seduce him 
to desert the standard of his country. He parted 
with his companions in Detroit, and returned to 
Chillicothe, after a long and fatiguing march, in 
the month of April, where he was adopted by Black- 
fish, a distinguished Shawanese chief, after the 
Indian fashion, to supply the place of a deceased son 
and warrior. He wisely and cheerfully appeared to 
be reconciled to his new way of life. 

The forms of the ceremony of adoption were 
often severe and ludicrous. The hair of the head is 
plucked out by a tedious and painful operation, leav- 
ing a tuft, some three or four inches in diameter, 
on the crown, for the scalplock, which is cut and 
dressed up with ribbons and feathers. The candi- 
date is then taken into the river in a state of nudity, 
and there thoroughly washed and rubbed, " to take 
all his white blood out." This ablution is usually 



48 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

performed by females. He is then taken to the 
council-house, where the chief makes a speech, in 
which he expatiates upon the distinguished honors 
conferred on him, and the line of conduct expected 
from him. His head and face are painted in the 
most approved and fashionable style, and the cere- 
mony is concluded with a grand feast and smoking. 
The Indian father and mother of Boone regarded 
him with the kindness of a natural relation, and he 
was soon made aware, by proofs not to be mistaken, 
that he was actually beloved and trusted, as if the 
adoption had, to all intents, made him a member of 
the family and of the tribe. Regarded as a mighty 
hunter and a distinguished brave, he soon had the 
confidence and affections of the whole village. He 
was exceedingly familiar and friendly with them, 
frequently engaged with them in hunting, and 
gained much applause at their contests in musket- 
and rifle-shooting. In these exercises he was careful 
not to excel them too frequently, lest he should ex- 
cite their envy. He found it an easy matter to in- 
gratiate himself with the chief, or Shawanese king, 
as he was called, and was treated by him with great 
respect. Still the cherished recollection of his wife 
and children at Boonesborough caused great anxiety, 
and prompted him to meditate on plans of escape, 
while, to avoid suspicion, he appeared as if happy 
and contented with his Indian relations. Whenever 
he was allowed to leave the village on a hunting ex- 
cursion, the balls for his gun were carefully counted, 
and he was required to account in game for each ball 
and charge of powder. He ingeniously divided a 



DANIEL BOONE 49 

number of balls, with the halves of which he could 
kill turkeys, raccoons, squirrels, and other small 
game, and, by using light charges of powder, he con- 
trived to save several charges for his own use, if he 
should find an opportunity to escape. 

Early in June, he was taken to the salt springs, 
on the Scioto, to assist in the manufacture of salt, 
where he was employed ten days. On his return to 
Chillicothe, he was alarmed to see four hundred and 
fifty warriors, painted and armed in a fearful man- 
ner, preparing to march against Boonesborough. He 
had so far learned the Shawanese language, as to 
understand what they said; yet he sagaciously kept 
them ignorant of his proficiency. By mixing with 
the crowd, and seeming pleased with the war-dances' 
and other ceremonies, he learned their projected 
route, and decided at once to escape, and defeat their 
enterprise. 

On the morning of the i6tli of June he arose, and, 
without suspicion, went forth on his morning's hunt 
as usual. He contrived to secrete some jerked veni- 
son, which he could eat while travelling. The dis- 
tance to Boonesborough exceeded one hundred and 
sixty miles, which he travelled in less than five days, 
eating but one regular meal on the road, which was a 
turkey he shot after crossing the Ohio River. Until 
he left that river behind him, his anxiety was great. 
He knew the Indians would follow him, and it re- 
quired all his skill and tact as a backwoodsman to 
throw them off the trail. His route lay through for- 
ests, swamps, and across numerous rivers. Every 
sound in the forest struck his ear as the signal of 

A. B., VOL. I. — 4 



50 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

approaching Indians. He was not an expert swim- 
mer, and he anticipated serious difficulty in crossing 
the Ohio, which at that time, from continued rains, 
was swollen, and was running with a strong current. 
On reaching its bank, he had the good fortune to find 
an old canoe, which had floated into the bushes. A 
hole was in one end, but this he contrived to stop, 
and it bore him safely to the Kentucky side. His ap- 
pearance before the garrison at Boonesborough was 
like one risen from the dead. His captivity and 
journey to Detroit were known by the report of pris- 
oners that had escaped, and it was supposed he was 
held by the British authorities in Canada. His wife, 
despairing of his return to Kentucky, had trans- 
ported herself and some of the children, on pack- 
horses, to her father's house in North Carolina. 

The men, who had occupied the fort, had dispersed 
into the neighborhood, and, engaged in their ordi- 
nary avocations, had let the works get out of repair. 
Not a moment was to be lost. The intelligence 
brought by Captain Boone, and the activity he in- 
spired, soon produced the necessary repairs. New 
gates and double bastions were constructed, and, in 
the short space of ten days, each part was strength- 
ened so as to stand a siege. One of the prisoners, 
who had escaped from the Indians, reported, that, in 
consequence of the elopement of Boone, they had 
postponed their expedition three weeks! The In- 
dians had spies in the country, watching every move- 
ment, and were alarmed at the increase of the settle- 
ments and the strength of their fortifications. Coun- 
cils were held by the confederated tribes northwest 



DANIEL BOONE 5 1 

of the Ohio River, and aid was sought from the Brit- 
ish authorities. They apprehended, that, if they 
should not exterminate the " Big Knives " during 
the season, they would grow too formidabk by the 
next. 

Early in August, Captain Boone, with nineteen 
men, made an excursion into the Indian country, to 
destroy a village on Paint Creek, a branch of the 
Scioto. When within four miles of the town, they 
met a war-party of thirty Indians on their march for 
Kentucky; a battle ensued; one Indian was killed, 
and two wounded, when they gave way and fled. In 
such skirmishes, in almost all cases, the parties fight, 
each man singly with his adversary, from behind 
trees; and much adroitness is used by each to gain 
the advantage of the other. Three horses and all 
their baggage were taken, and no loss was sustained 
by the Kentuckians. Learning that the Indians had 
abandoned their town, and that a strong party of 
several hundred were on their way to Boones- 
borough. Captain Boone and his men immediately 
returned, and had the dexterity to spy out and pass 
this army of Indians and Canadians, and reach the 
fort in safety, and in season to give the alarm. The 
object of Boone, in this expedition, was to alarm the 
Indians for the safety of their own towns, and divert 
their attention from their premeditated attack on 
Boonesborough. It was a gallant and heroic affair 
for twenty men to march one hundred and fifty miles 
into the heart of the Indian country, surprise and 
defeat thirty warriors, and then effect a successful 
retreat in face of an enemy twenty times more nu- 
merous than their own force. 



52 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

Shortly after their return, on the 7th of Septem- 
ber,* the whole force of the Indians, four hundred 
and forty-four in number, with Captain Duquesne 
and eleven other Canadians, having British and 
French colors flying, appeared before Boones- 
borough. The Indians were commanded by the 
noted Shawanese chief Blackfish ; the Canadians 
were under the command of Captain Duquesne, who 
acted as interpreter, and represented the British 
authority on the occasion. This was the most for- 
midable force ever arrayed against Boonesborough, 
and could not fail to fill the garrison with alarm. 
They now had to deal, not only with Indians, but 
officers and soldiers supposed to be skilled in the art 
of attacking fortified places; sufficiently numerous 
to direct, but too few to restrain, their savage allies. 
The summons was. " to surrender the fort in the 
name of his Britannic Majesty," with assurances of 
liberal treatment. It was a critical moment. The 
garrison contained between sixty and seventy men, 
with a large number of women and children. A 
powerful force was before them, whose appearance 
proclaimed inevitable death, in the most horrid and 

* Filson says, from Boone's dictation, that it was the 8th 
of August ; and so say Marshall, Butler, Flint, and others, 
following the same authority. This is evidently a mistake, 
as Boone and his party, by his own showing, were in the Indian 
country at that time. We have followed, in this case, the 
date given by Colonel Bowman, in his letter to Colonel G. R. 
Clark. The party was commanded by Blackfish, the Shawa- 
nese chief, and Boone's adopted father while a prisoner, and 
not by Duquesne, who acted as interpreter, and commanded 
the Canadians. Doubtless Duquesne had much to do, as a 
British officer, in dictating the terms of peace. Filson took 
notes from Colonel Boone, and wrote his book at leisure. 
Hence there are some mistakes in the " Narrative." 



DANIEL BOONE 53 

cruel form, if they should be captured after 
resistance. 

Even death might be preferable to a long and 
hopeless captivity. Their cattle and horses were not 
dispersed in the woods, and they were not prepared 
to stand a siege many days. A gleam of hope shone 
out amidst the darkness that surrounded them. 
Soon after the return of Boone from his captivity, 
an express had been sent for assistance to Colonel 
Arthur Campbell, on the Holston ; and if time could 
be gained, the aid might arrive, and the assailants be 
beaten off. This fact, overlooked by most writers, 
explains the course of Captain Boone and his party 
in parleying with their enemies by treaty. Two 
days were requested by Captain Boone, that the gar- 
rison might consider the summons to surrender. So 
confident were the leaders of the enemy of success, 
that the time was granted. This period was em- 
ployed to collect the cows and horses within the walls 
of the fort, to fill every vessel with water from the 
spring, which was done by females, and to prepare 
for a vigorous defence. Being unanimous in their 
decision to sustain the terrible conflict to the last 
moment, near the close of the second day. Captain 
Boone, from one of the bastions, announced to Cap- 
tain Duquesne the determination of the garrison ; 
adding, " We laugh at your formidable preparations, 
but thank you for giving notice and time to prepare 
for defence." 

Contrary to all expectations. Captain Duquesne 
did not abandon the idea of a capitulation. He de- 
clared his orders from Colonel Hamilton were to 



54 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

take the g'arrison captives, to treat them as prisoners 
of war, and not to injure, much less to murder them ; 
and that they had horses to take the women and 
children, and all others who could not bear the 
fatigue of travelling on foot. He then proposed, 
that, if the garrison would depute nine persons to 
come out of the fort and hold a treaty, the terms 
should be liberal. It is impossible at this time, after 
the demise of every person concerned in the affair, to 
account for the singular course of Captain Duquesne 
and his Indian allies. 

The project of the treaty was intended as a feint, 
yet managed with very little art. It appears, that, 
with ordinary skill, with scaling ladders, or other 
suitable means, they could have entered the fort. 
The British officer and soldiers, with a strong force 
of Indians, ought to have taken this fort in less time 
than they were parleying. The heroism of the garri- 
son deserves applause. Captain Boone was un- 
daunted; yet he was cool, cautious, and ready to 
adopt any expedient with hope of success. Every 
incident that would postpone a direct attack, and in- 
crease the chances of the arrival of a reinforcement 
from the Holston, was regarded as important. 

Though suspecting treachery, it was determined, 
after consultation, to accede to the proposition of 
Duquesne, and hold a treaty. Eight persons, besides 
Captain Boone, were selected for the hazardous and 
responsible duty. The j^arties met on the plat of 
ground in front of the fort, and at the distance from 
it of about sixty yards. The terms offered were ex- 
ceedingly liberal ; too liberal, as Boone and his asso- 



DANIEL BOONE 55 

dates saw, to come from honest intentions. The 
proposition was, that they should remain unmolested, 
and retain all their property, only submitting to the 
British authorities in Canada, and taking the oath of 
allegiance to the King. At the conclusion, the In- 
dians proposed, that, on so great an occasion, to 
make the chain of peace more strong and bright, they 
should revive an ancient custom, and that two In- 
dians should shake hands each with a white man, 
and that this should be the token of sincere friend- 
ship. Captain Boone and his associates were, from 
the first, prepared for treachery. Before they left 
the fort, twenty men were stationed with loaded 
rifles, so as to command a full view of all the pro- 
ceedings, and ready for the slightest alarm. The 
parties on the treaty ground had no weapons, and 
were divested of all outside garments. As they had 
agreed to hold the treaty, it would have been re- 
garded as a breach of confidence and a direct insult 
to refuse the proffered ceremony at the close. When 
the Indians approached, each pair grasped the hand 
and arm of their white antagonist. A scuffle ensued, 
for the Indians attempted to drag them off as prison- 
ers. The Kentuckians either knocked down, tripped, 
or pushed off their antagonists, and fled into the fort. 
The fire from the vigilant guard at the same time 
threw them into confusion. The Indians rushed 
from their camp, and made a vigorous attack on the 
fort. One person. Squire Boone, was wounded, but 
not severely. 

The usual form of warfare was now kept up ; the 
Indians firing incessantly at the fort, but doing little 



$6 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

damage; while the besieged were cautious not to 
waste their ammunition, and only fired when execu- 
tion could be done. The siege continued with very 
little intermission for nine days. At one period, they 
attempted to set fire to the fort, by throwing com- 
bustibles on the roof, which took fire, and threatened 
destruction to the garrison. A heroic young man 
took his station there, exposed to a shower of balls, 
while others handed up buckets of water till the fire 
was extinguished. The besieged had the advantage 
in the situation of the fort, for the Indians could not 
approach under cover nearer than one hundred yards, 
and their musket balls could not reach the fort, so as 
to do much execution; whereas the besiegers could 
not show themselves, without feeling the effect of 
the sharp-shooting rifles of the Kentuckians. The 
women, no less heroic than the men, were actively 
employed in moulding bullets, loading the rifles, and 
providing refreshments. 

The Indians tried another expernnent, suggested 
probably by the Canadians, to enter the fort by a 
mine. The fort stood about sixty yards from the 
bank of the river. They began an excavation into 
the bank, which sheltered them from the rifles in the 
fort. Their project was detected by the muddy 
water seen at a little distance below, and it was de- 
feated by the besieged, who began a countermine 
within the fort, and threw the dirt over the palisades. 

On the 20th day of the month. Captain Duquesne 
and his Indian allies raised the siege, and departed to 
the Indian country to tell the story of their defeat 
in stratagem and fighting. They had thirty-seven 



DANIEL BOONE 57 

killed, and many more wounded, while the Kentuck- 
ians had two men killed and four wounded, besides 
losing a number of cattle. The men in the garrison 
were sparing of their ammunition, for they fired their 
rifles only when an object was in sight, and then with 
a deadly aim, while their assailants exhausted their 
ammunition to very little purpose. According to the 
statement of Captain Boone, one hundred and 
twenty-five pounds of musket balls were picked up 
around the fort, besides those that penetrated and 
were made fast in the logs. 

This was the last direct mvasion of Boones- 
borough. It exhibits the imbecility of mere physical 
force, destitute of science and military art. For 
what could have been easier for men of military 
skill and enterprise, with the knowledge and experi- 
ence of constructing ladders, than to scale stockades 
twelve feet high, or mount cabin roofs, when their 
numbers were six times greater than those of the 
garrison? Such cowardice and imbecility might 
have been expected of Indians ; but here were a dozen 
Canadians, one claiming the rank of captain, yet 
without skill or military enterprise. The fact that 
the garrison gathered up at least two thousand five 
hundred musket balls, which were so far spent that 
they could not penetrate oak logs, shows that the 
Indians fought at a respectful distance in order to 
obtain a covert.* 

* During the siege, Jemima, the eldest daughter of Boone, 
afterwards Mrs. Callaway, received a contusion in her hip, 
from a spent ball, while she was supplying her father with 
ammunition. While the parley was in progress, an unprincipled 
negro man deserted, and went over to the Indians, carrying 



58 



AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 



The singular treaty with the besiegers, after so 
prompt and decided a refusal, and the still more sin- 
gular ceremony of allowing two Indians to shake 
hands with one white man, have been the subject of 
suspicion and censure. McClung remarks on the in- 
cidents of the siege, " We look here in vain for the 
prudence and sagacity, which usually distinguished 
Boone;" and Mr. Butler quotes McClung, and ex- 
presses a similar sentiment. 

with him a large, far-shooting rifle. He crossed the river, 
ascended a tree on its bank, and so placed himself that he 
could raise his head, look through a fork of the tree, and fire 
into the fort. One man had been killed and another wounded 
from that direction, when Captain Boone discovered the negro, 
by his head peering above the fork. The old hunter fired, 
and the negro was seen to fall. After the Indians had re- 
treated, his body was found, and his forehead was pierced 
with the ball, fired at the distance of one hundred and seventy- 
five yards. The Indians, who buried or carried off their own 
dead, would not touch his body. 

The following sketch is interesting as having been written 
near the time when these events happened. 

It is part of a letter from Colonel John Bowman to Colonel 
George Rogers Clark, dated Harrodsburg, October 14th, 1778. 

" The Indians have pushed us hard this summer. I shall 
only begin at the 7th of September, when three hundred and 
thirty Indians, with eight Frenchmen, came to Boonesborough, 
raised a flag, and called for Captain Boone, who had lately 
come from them, and offered terms of peace to the Boones- 
borough people. Hearing that the Indians gladly treated with 
you at the Illinois, gave them reasons to think that the Indians 
were sincere ; two days being taken up in this manner, till 
they became quite familiar with one another; but finding the 
Boonesborough people would not turn out, and having Colonel 
Callaway, Major Smith, Captain Boone, Captain Buchanan, 
and their subalterns, eight in number, in the lick, where they 
had their table, (you know the distance is about eighty yards,) 
the Indians getting up, Blackfish made a long speech, then 
gave the word, 'Go.' Instantly a signal gun was fired ; the 
Indians fastened on the eight men, to take tliem off; the white 
people began to dispute the matter, though unarmed, and broke 
loose from the Indians, though there were two or three Indians 



DANIEL BOONE 50 

The fact of an express having been sent to Colonel 
Campbell for aid, and the importance of gaining 
time, appear not to have been known to these 
authors. Captain Boone and his men knew that 
there was less danger in flattering the Indians, by a 
seeming compliance with their wishes and pretended 
customs, than in giving direct offence by a refusal. 
We can see prudence and sagacity in the whole man- 
agement. That Boone and his friends should have 
signed a treaty, in which the main condition was 
subjection to the authorities of Canada, and alle- 
giance to the King of Great Britain, appears at first 
view a little more questionable. For the character 
and terms of the treaty, we rely upon the testimony 
of Stephen Hancock and Flanders Callaway, orally 
given to the writer. 

But before we judge harshly of this act, we must 
consider the circumstances under which they were 
placed. The colonies had disowned all allegiance to 
Great Britain by the declaration of independence; 
but the question was far from being decided. Ken- 
tucky was then a remote part of Virginia, which at 

to one white man. On running tlie above distance, upwards 
of two hundred guns were fired from each side ; and yet every 
man escaped but Squire Boone, who was badly wounded, 
though not mortally. He got safe to the fort. On this a hot 
engagement ensued for nine days and nights ; constant fire 
without any intermission ; no more damage was done, how- 
ever, but one killed and two wounded. The Indians then dis- 
persed to the different forts, where they still remain in great 
numbers, and waylaying our hunters." 

Colonel Bowman was not present at the siege, and derived 
his information from hearsay ; hence there are several mis- 
takes in his letter ; especially in the number of the invaders, 
and the number and names of the men engaged in the pro- 
posed treaty. 



6o AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

that period was unable to render the settlement any 
efficient aid. The troops raised by Colonel Clark 
were on a hazardous and doubtful enterprise into the 
country of the Illinois. Boonesborough was a feeble 
garrison, with about fifty effective fighting men, now 
besieged by a force nine times their number. Terms 
of a most favorable kind were offered ; the only oner- 
ous condition being that which required allegiance 
to the King. No requisition was made that they 
should take up arms against their country. Hun- 
dreds of persons, whose patriotism remained unques- 
tioned, under the pressure of circumstances, had 
been compelled to give in their adhesion to British 
authority. Besides, Boone and his men were anx- 
iously and hourly expecting a reinforcement, which 
would have turned the scale. And they saw in the 
terms of the treaty evidence of fraud. They knew 
well that the treaty would never be carried into effect. 
Every moment of time they gained was precious. 
No end could be gained by resistance till the enemy 
should commit some overt act that would nullify the 
whole procedure, and give them an opportunity to 
fight on the defensive. This was soon given in the 
treachery of the Indians while shaking hands. 

The termination of the affair in the- discomfiture 
of such an unequal force, by a handful of resolute 
men, was manifestly a signal interposition of divine 
Providence, and was so regarded by the besieged 
party. We have heard some persons, who were on 
the treaty ground, and among these the old pioneer 
himself, speak of their deliverance in terms of devout 
gratitude. 



CHAPTER IV 

Boone tried by a Court-martial, and honorably acquitted and 
promoted. — Visits North CaroHna and Virginia. — Lexington 
settled. — Indian Assaults. — Colonel Bowman's Expedition 
against Old Chillicothe. — Colonel Clark commands an Ex- 
pedition into the Indian Country. — Major Boone returns 
with his Family. — Attacked by Indians, and his Brother 
killed. — Receives the Commission of Lieutenant-Colonel. — • 
Indian Skirmishes. — The McAfees. — Characters of McKee 
and of Simon Girty. 

At some time subsequent to the siege of Boones- 
borough, Captain Boone was summoned before a 
court-martial, where sundry charges were exhibited 
and investigated. The court assembled at Logan's 
Station. The charges were brought forward by Col- 
onel Richard Callaway, aided by Colonel Benjamin 
Logan, and were in substance as follows : 

1. Surrendering the company of salt-makers, 
when he was taken prisoner at the Blue Licks. 

2. Manifesting friendly feelings towards the In- 
dians while a prisoner, and offering to surrender 
Boonesborough, have the people removed to Detroit, 
and live under British protection and jurisdiction. 

3. Taking off a party of men from Boonesbor- 
ough, in his expedition to the Scioto, and thus weak- 
ening the garrison, when he had reason to believe the 
Indians were about to invade the fort. 

61 



62 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

4. That, at the siege of Boonesborough, he was 
wilHng to take the oflicers to the Indian camp, on 
the invitation to make peace, and thus endanger the 
garrison. 

Captain Boone made his own defence, assigned 
reasons why he surrendered the party who were mak- 
ing sak, and added, that his friendly conduct towards 
the Indians, and his offer of surrendering Boones- 
borough, was to deceive them, and find out their in- 
tentions; that the expedition to the Scioto was to 
alarm them, by putting them on the defence of their 
own towns, and, by this method, divert them from 
Boonesborough; and that, during the siege of that 
garrison, his main object was to gain time, in the 
hope that a reinforcement would arrive for their re- 
lief. After a full investigation, he was honorably 
acquitted, and the confidence of the people in his 
patriotism and sagacity was confirmed and increased. 
He was also promoted to the rank of major.* 

In the autumn of 1778, Major Boone went to his 
wife and family in North Carolina. During his ab- 
sence in the Indian country, his wife, supposing him 
to be dead, or in hopeless captivity, had returned to 
her father's house, on the Yadkin, with some of her 
children. The establishment of a Court of Commis- 
sioners, by the legislature of Virginia, in 1779, to 
hear and determine all disputes relaitive to land 

* The fact of this court-martial is not found in any history 
of the time. The authority for the statement is the late Col- 
onel Daniel Trahue, of Kentucky, who was present at the 
trial, and furnished the account from memory to Mr. L. C. 
Draper, from whose manuscript records we have copied the 
particulars. 



DANIEL BOONE 63 

claims in Kentucky, and to grant certificates of settle- 
ment and preemption to such persons as were entitled 
to them, brought out a large number of families and 
single persons, who were interested in such claims. 
Major Boone " laid out the chief of his little property 
to procure land warrants, and, having raised about 
twenty thousand dollars in paper money, with which 
he intended to purchase them, on his way from Ken- 
tucky to Richmond he was robbed of the whole, and 
left destitute of the means of procuring more. This 
heavy misfortune did not fall on himself alone. 
Large sums had been intrusted to him by his friends 
for similar purposes, and the loss was extensively 
felt." * No further particulars of this robbery can 
be found. Doubtless suspicion rested on him, not for 
dishonesty, but for carelessness ; yet his friends, and 
those who suffered by his misfortune, retained entire 
confidence in his integrity, sympathized in his calam- 
ity, and cheerfully gave up their claims. 

The following extract from a letter written by 
Colonel Thomas Hart, late of Lexington, Kentucky, 
to Captain Nathaniel Hart, dated Grayfields, August 
3d, 1780, is a proof of this confidence, and is, more- 
over, an important tribute to the character of Boone. 

" I observe what you say respecting our losses by 
Daniel Boone. I had heard of the misfortune soon 
after it happened, but not of my being a partaker be- 
fore now. I feel for the poor people, who, perhaps, 
are to lose even their preemptions ; but I must say I 
feel more for Boone, whose character, I am told, 

* Governor Morehead's "Address," p. 104. Boone's "Memo- 
rial to the Legislature of Kentucky," 1812. 



64 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

suffers by it. Much degenerated must the people of 
this age be, when amongst them are to be found men 
to censure and blast the reputation of a person so 
just and upright, and in whose breast is the seat of 
virtue, too pure to admit of a thought so base and 
dishonorable. I have known Boone in times of old, 
when poverty and distress held him fast by the hand ; 
and in these wretched circumstances I have ever 
found him of a noble and generous soul, despising 
everything mean; and therefore I will freely grant 
him a discharge for whatever sums of mine he might 
have been possessed of at that time." * 

Boone says, according to Filson, " The history of 
my going home, and returning with my family, 
forms a series of difficulties, an account of which 
would swell a volume, but being foreign to my pur- 
pose, I shall omit them." 

Unacquainted with the niceties of law, the few 
lands he was enabled afterwards to select, he informs 
us, " were, through his ignorance, generally swal- 
lowed up and lost by better claims." The law itself 
was vague, and the proceedings of the court, and the 
certificates granted to the claimants under the law, 
were far more indefinite and uncertain. The descrip- 
tions of tracts were general, the boundaries not well 
defined, and consequently the claims interfered one 
with another. Each family that settled on any waste 
or unappropriated lands belonging to Virginia, upon 
the western waters, was entitled to a preemption 
right and any quantity of land not exceeding four 
hundred acres ; and, upon the payment of two dol- 
* Morehead's " Address," p. 105. 



DANIEL BOONB 65 

lars and twenty-five cents on each one hundred acres, 
a certificate was granted, and a title in fee simple 
confirmed. 

Each settler could select and survey for preemp- 
tion any quantity of waste or unappropriated lands, 
not exceeding one thousand acres to each claimant, 
for which forty dollars for each hundred acres were 
required. Payments could be made in the paper cur- 
rency of Virginia, which had depreciated greatly. 
Tlie oflticers and soldiers of the Virginia Continental 
line were allowed bounty lands in the same district, 
and were allowed, one year after their resignation 
or discharge, to claim their rights and make their 
location. The effects of these privileges were retro- 
spective, and tended to destroy previously allowed 
claims. The results of these arrangements were a 
long series of lawsuits on land titles in Kentucky; 
and many a worthy claimant, besides Boone, after 
exhausting his vigor of life in settling and defending 
the soil of Kentucky, was divested of an improved 
farm and the uncultivated lands intended for his 
children. Subsequent acts of the Virginia legislature 
made still more liberal provision for the poor, by al- 
lowing credit upon the cost of the land ; but the same 
ruinous consequences from conflicting claims were 
the result.* 

* The following specimen of the record of the court illus- 
trates the vague manner in which tracts of land were described 
in the certificate of entry. 

" Michael Stoner this day appeared, and claimed a right of 
a settlement and preemption to a tract of land lying on Stoner's 
Fork, a branch of the south fork of Licking, about twelve 
miles above Licking Station, by making corn in the country 
in the year 1775, and improving said land in the year 1776. 



66 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

In April, 1779, a block-house was erected on the 
site of Lexington, which at that time contained 
" three rows of cabins." The town was settled un- 
der the auspices of Colonel Robert Patterson, John 
Morrison, James Masterson, the M'Connells, and 
other families. Bryan's Station, about five miles 
distant, in a northeastern direction, was established 
the same year. Many other " stations " were made 
south and west of Kentucky River, from Boones- 
borough to Louisville, and also on the forks of the 
Licking, Annoyances from the Lidians still con- 
tinued. Repeated attacks were made upon boats, as 
they descended the Ohio River, and occasional depre- 
dations were committed on the settlements. To pun- 
Satisfactory proof being made to the court, they are of opinion 
that the said Stoner has a right to a settlement of four hun- 
dred acres of land, including the above-mentioned improve- 
ment, and a preemption of one thousand acres adjoining the 
same, and that a certificate issue accordingly." 

" Joseph Combs this day claimed a right to a preemption of 
one thousand acres of land lying on Comb's, since called 
Howard's Creek, about eight miles above Boonesborough, on 
both sides of the creek, and about three or four miles from 
the mouth of it, by improving the said land, by building a 
cabin on the premises, in the month of May, 1775. Satisfac- 
tory proof being made to the court, they are of opinion that 
the said Combs has a right to a preemption of one thousand 
acres, including the said improvement, and that a certificate 
issue accordingly." 

The Court of Commissioners were appointed by the Gov- 
ernor, with the advice of the Council of State, consisting of 
four persons, three of whom made a quorum. The sessions 
were held at different places in Kentucky, to accommodate 
the settlers, for the space of one year, during which about 
three thousand certificates were granted. The foregoing cases 
from the record illustrate the vague and indefinite descriptions 
of localities. Many were rendered null from a more definite 
and specific survey, covering the same land. Many of the old 
pioneers, besides Boone, lost the lands they had entered and 
improved, and subsequently left the state. 



DANIEL BOONE 6/ 

ish these assaults, an expedition was planned and 
authorized against Old Chillicothe, on the Little 
Miami, to be commanded by Colonel John Bowman. 
The rendezvous was fixed at Harrodsburg. Some 
of the most efficient men in the country were engaged 
in the expedition, both as officers and private sol- 
diers. About three hundred men were raised, who 
marched to the Indian country, in the month of July, 
with their provisions on their backs. The movement 
was conducted with secrecy, and the party was not 
discovered until they approached the town in the 
night. Captain Benjamin Logan, who commanded 
the advanced corps, was ordered to invest the town 
on one side, while the main party, under Colonel 
Bowman, surrounded it on the other. Logan exe- 
cuted his task with skill and heroism. The alarm 
was first given by an Indian dog, and by an impru- 
dent act of a soldier in discharging his gun. 

This happened at the dawn of day. The women 
and children fled to the woods ; the men took shelter 
in a strong cabin, while Captain Logan and his men 
occupied other cabins, and were about constructing a 
movable breastwork of the planks of the floors for 
their defence. At this crisis, Colonel Bowman at a 
distance ordered a retreat ; a negro prisoner having 
told him that Simon Girty, with one hundred Min- 
goes, was at the Pickaway town, and would soon ap- 
pear for the rescue of the Shawanoes. This was a 
most unlucky movement ; for, on their retreat, Cap- 
tain Logan's men were exposed to a destructive fire 
while crossing the arm of a prairie, and sustained the 
loss of eight or nine men. They succeeded in burn- 



68 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

ing the town and capturing one hundred and sixty 
horses. The celebrated chief Blackfish, who had 
commanded the party which made Boone prisoner 
near the Blue Licks, and again at the siege of 
Boonesborough, was chief of this town. He fol- 
lowed the retreating army with about thirty war- 
riors, and was killed. Colonel Bowman had proved 
himself a gallant and experienced officer on former 
occasions. He had been with Colonel Clark in his 
conquest of Illinois the preceding year; but in this 
expedition he committed a serious mistake. He was 
afterwards esteemed as a worthy and useful citizen, 
but his military exploits ended with this campaign. 
The success of Colonel Clark in the Illinois coun- 
try, and his recapture of Vincennes, and taking Col- 
onel Hamilton prisoner, aroused the British authori- 
ties at Detroit, and a formidable expedition was pre- 
pared against Kentucky. This force consisted of six 
hundred Indians and Canadians, commanded by 
Colonel Byrd. Two field-pieces were brought from 
Detroit to the waters of the Great Miami, and down 
that river and up the Ohio to the mouth of the Lick- 
ing, thence up that stream to a landing-place, whence 
a road was cut towards Ruddle's Station. This 
party were not discovered until they appeared before 
the station. This happened on the 22d of June. The 
formidable force, with artillery, the first ever brought 
into Kentucky, with the summons " to surrender at 
discretion to the arms of his Britannic Majesty," left 
no alternative. Resistance was hopeless. The gates 
were opened, and the Indians rushed in to secure the 
prisoners and to plunder the property. This post 



DANIEL BOONE 69 

was on the south fork of the Licking River. Higher 
up was Martin's Station, which was also taken in 
the same manner. 

The prisoners and plunder being collected, a rapid 
retreat was made, which many of the prisoners, and 
especially the women and children, could not sustain, 
loaded as they were with the property taken. The 
tomahawk and scalping-knife soon relieved the party 
of all such encumbrances, which Colonel Byrd, a 
British officer, had neither the will nor the power to 
prevent. The survivors were dispersed amongst the 
Indians, or carried to Detroit, whence they returned 
after an absence of several years. It was a merciful 
Providence that prevented this force from continuing 
its depredations on the other forts ; for at that time 
not three hundred fighting men could be mustered at 
all the stations north of the Kentucky River, and 
their united force could scarcely have resisted such 
a formidable invasion. 

Colonel Clark having returned to his post at Louis- 
ville, an expedition was fitted out under him for an- 
other invasion of the Indian country. Volunteers 
were raised in addition to the regular force under his 
command. The direct object of attack was a prin- 
cipal town of the Shawanoes, called Pickaway, on a 
branch of the Great Miami. This expedition was 
conducted with prudence and despatch. The con- 
flict was sharp, but, seventeen of their warriors hav- 
ing fallen, the rest fled. Their town was burnt, and 
their gardens and fields were destroyed. Colonel 
Clark lost seventeen of his men, and several were 
disabled by wounds. 



70 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

With all these difficulties, the emigration con- 
tinued to increase, and new stations were formed. 
After the misfortune of being robbed, as already 
narrated, Major Boone returned with his family to 
Boonesborough, in 1780. In October, he went to the 
Blue Licks, accompanied by his brother, and on re- 
turning they were fired on by Indians lying in am- 
buscade. His brother was killed and scalped ; and he 
was pursued, by the scent of an Indian dog, which 
he dexterously shot, and by that means escaped. 
This calamity was heavy, and for a time preyed on 
his mind. The feelings of fraternal attachment were 
strong, and increased by fellowship in wanderings 
and sufferings for many years. 

The uncommon severity of the following winter, 
remembered throughout the country as the " hard 
winter," kept the Indians in their own territory; but 
it caused great distress in the settlements of Ken- 
tucky. Much of their corn had been destroyed the 
preceding summer, and the inhabitants lived chiefly 
on the flesh of the buffalo. 

Kentucky having been divided into three counties 
by the legislature of Virginia, a civil and military 
organization became necessary. John Todd, an es- 
timable and popular man, was made colonel, and 
Major Boone lieutenant-colonel, for Lincoln county. 
Each county formed a regiment, and the militia of 
the whole territory a brigade. Colonel Clark re- 
ceived the commission of brigadier-general. His 
mode of defending the country was by dispersing 
spies and scouting ])arties over the frontiers, who re- 
ported to head(|uarters at Fort Nelson, now Louis- 



DANIEL BOONE /I 

ville. He also constructed a row-galley to move up 
and down the Ohio River, between the Licking and 
the Falls. 

Towards the autumn of 1781, marauding parties 
of Indians again visited the frontier settlements of 
Kentucky. Boonesborough being now interior, and 
surrounded with stations, was unmolested. In Sep- 
tember, the people at a station made near the present 
site of Shelbyville became alarmed at the signs of 
Indians, and attempted to remove to Fort Nelson. 
They were attacked by a large body of the enemy, 
defeated, and dispersed. Colonel Floyd raised 
twenty-five men, which he divided into two parties ; 
and, though a leader of prudence and caution, he was 
drawn into an ambuscade, and lost nearly half his 
men. About ten savages were killed. Their num- 
bers were three times greater than those of Floyd. 
An incident occurred in this action illustrative of the 
generosity and magnanimity which was not unusual 
amongst the rude men of the frontier. Colonel 
Floyd and Captain Samuel Wells had not been 
friendly, the latter alleging that he had sustained 
an injury from the former. Colonel Floyd was re- 
treating on foot; being closely pursued, and nearly 
exhausted, he must, without aid, have fallen into the 
hands of the Indians. Captain Wells, who was on a 
spirited horse, and making a successful retreat, saw 
his situation, dismounted, helped him on his own 
horse, ran on foot by his side, and thus enabled him 
to escape. No man knew better than Colonel Floyd 
how to value a generous action. They lived and died 
firm friends from that day. 



72 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

Amongst the resolute and active men of Ken- 
tucky were three brothers, Samuel, James, and 
Robert McAfee, who founded a station in the neigh- 
borhood of Harrodsburg. They were vigorous, ath- 
letic men, of honorable principles, and members of 
the Presbyterian church. Their lot was like that of 
other pioneers, in being brought repeatedly into 
deadly conflict with the Indians. On a beautiful 
morning in May, 1781, Samuel McAfee and another 
man, being on their way from the station of James 
McAfee to that of a neighbor, were fired upon by an 
Indian, and the man fell. McAfee turned, and ran 
towards the fort, and in a few yards met another 
Indian in the path. Each attempted to fire at the 
same moment ; but the Indian's gun missed fire, while 
the ball from McAfee's rifle pierced his heart. Still 
continuing his retreat, McAfee met his two brothers, 
Robert and James. The first, though warned of his 
danger, rushed forward to have a look at the dead 
savage ; but several Indians sprang into the path, and 
intercepted his retreat. His energy and activity were 
now put to a severe test, for he had to run from tree 
to tree, as he approached the fort. He succeeded in 
reaching a field, and threw himself over the fence, 
which served for a shelter, while an Indian took to 
a tree; but the instant he cast his eye around to ob- 
tain a view of his antagonist, a ball from McAfee's 
rifle pierced his skull. James McAfee was in equal 
peril. Five Indians, in ambush, fired at him in suc- 
cession, but missed him ; and after a perilous expos- 
ure he reached the fort. In a few moments, the fort 
was assailed, and while the men handled their rifles, 



DANIEL BOONE 73 

the women cast the bullets. The firing was heard at 
the other stations, and Major McGary and forty 
men were soon on the trail of the Indians, whom they 
overtook and routed. Such were the incidents of 
Indian warfare in Kentucky, and such the fortunate 
escape of the brothers. 

The year 1782 was attended with several maraud- 
ing enterprises into Kentucky by the Indians, and 
with considerable fatality to the whites. Amongst 
other calamities was that of the defeat of Captain 
Laughery, who was coming down the Ohio River to 
aid the Kentuckians, with one hundred and seven 
men. He was attacked near the mouth of a creek, a 
few miles below the Miami River, which still bears 
his name, and the whole party were killed or 
captured. 

But one of the most disastrous incidents in the 
heart of Kentucky, in May, 1782, was the defeat of 
Captain Estill. The station called by his name was 
situated on the south side of the Kentucky River, 
above Boonesborough. A party of twenty-five 
Wyandots made an attack on it, killed one white 
man, took a negro prisoner, killed the cattle, and 
then retreated. Captain Estill raised a company of 
twenty-five rangers, and pursued the Indians, whom 
he overtook on Kingston Fork of the Licking River. 
They had just crossed a creek, and were ascending 
the hill, as Estill's party came in sight, and fired on 
them. Their chief, though wounded, was a brave 
fellow, and gave orders to his men to stand and fight. 
As usual in such skirmishes, each party took to the 
trees for defence, within sixty yards of each other. 



74 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

The firing was deliberate. Each man watched his 
antagonist, who looked out with caution ; but no 
sooner was any portion of the head or body exposed, 
than it was a fatal mark for a rifle ball. Such was 
the bravery and determination on both sides, that 
one-half of each party fell, and several more were 
severely wounded. Estill's men were the sharpest 
shooters, but the Indians were the most expert at 
hiding. After two hours of cool, deliberate fighting, 
the survivors of each party retreated. The brave 
Captain Estill was among the slain. This desper- 
ately fought action, and the loss sustained, produced 
serious alarm throughout the colony. Various other 
skirmishes took place ; and scarcely a week passed 
without loss of life among the inhabitants. 

Amongst the Indians northwest of the Ohio were 
two white men of the names of McKee and Girty, 
whose agency and influence were most disastrous to 
the frontier settlements. Colonel McKee was an 
official agent of the British government, and ob- 
tained great influence over the tribes of the north- 
west, and had an infamous notoriety for the atroci- 
ties committed under his sanction, and the success of 
his intrigues. His name must ever remain asso- 
ciated with the darkest deeds recorded in western 
history. Doubtless the barbarities committed on the 
defenceless inhabitants, and even on prisoners, in his 
presence and by his sanction, have been exaggerated 
by rumor, and magnified by the resentment of those 
who have suffered by his cruelties ; yet enough ap- 
pears of known, official conduct, attested by Ameri- 
can officers of high station, and by witnesses of un- 



DANIEL BOONE 75 

impeachable character, to blast his reputation and 
cause his name to be held in abhorrence. His 
wretched policy of exciting the Indians to most 
bloody and ferocious attacks on the defenceless set- 
tlers, furnishing them with arms and ammunition, 
and paying them for prisoners and scalps, and then 
suffering them to torture their prisoners in his pres- 
ence, w^as as destructive to the peace of the American 
settlements, as it was ruinous in the end to the un- 
happy savages who were made the instruments of 
his vengeance. Nor were these acts confined to the 
War of the Revolution. They were followed up in 
that disastrous period of Indian hostilities that suc- 
ceeded, till their entire subjugation by Wayne, and 
the relinquishment of the western posts by the British 
government. 

Simon Girty was a native of Pennsylvania, a sol- 
dier and spy under Lord Dunmore, and a companion 
of Simon Kenton, in the campaign of 1774.* Either 

* Governor Morehead's " Address," p. 90. 

There were four brothers by the name of Girty, who were 
natives of Shennan's Valley, in Pennsylvania. Their father 
had been killed by the Indians, and their mother had mar- 
ried again, when their house was burnt, and the whole family 
taken prisoners by the Indians, in 1755, and brought to Fort 
Kitanning, where the stepfather of the Girtys was burnt at 
the stake in their presence. The brothers' names were Simon, 
George, James, and Thomas. After the horrid massacre of 
their stepfather, the mother and four brothers were sent off 
among the different tribes of northwestern Indians. Thomas 
made his escape, fell in with General Armstrong, and got 
back to Western Pennsylvania, where he remained a worthy 
citizen to the close of his life, which took place on the 3d of 
November, 1820, in the ninetieth year of his age. 

The remainder of the family were exchanged, in the year 
1758, at General Forbes's treaty. Simon, George, and James 
left Pennsylvania about the commencement of the Revolu- 
tionary War, probably being Tories, took up their residence 



'j6 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

as a consequence of crimes, or of some injury which 
he alleged he had received, he fled from his native 
country and the abodes of civilization, and became 
an Indian in principle and manners, as much as in 
habit. His life was spent in a series of acts of un- 
paralleled atrocity against his countrymen. He pro- 
fessed allegiance to the British government, and had 
a trading house on the Sandusky River, where he re- 
sided for man}' years. It is not known that he held 
any commission from the British ; yet he was the 
companion and the subordinate of Colonel McKee, 
and was known to have the countenance and protec- 
tion of that officer. Many of the marauding expedi- 
tions on the frontier settlements were of his plan- 
ning, and some of them he led in person. He became 
an Indian by adoption, imbibed their ferocious and 
bloodthirsty temper, acquired their habits, partici- 
pated in their councils, inflamed their passions to 
madness by his speeches, and goaded them to deeds 
of cruelty and vengeance. He seemed to delight in 
all the refinement of Indian torture, and witnessed 
and aided in the burning of many a prisoner. The 
shrieks and groans of helpless women and children, 
while butchered in the most horrid forms by ruthless 
savages, were music to his soul.* 

But, as if to afford testimony that he was really a 
man, and not a demon incarnate, a solitary act of 
humanity stands out in bold relief on the page of his 

among the Indians, and became the most bitter enemies of 
their race. 

* See the account of the burning of Colonel Crawford, in 
the narrative of Dr. Knight, contained in " Incidents of Bor- 
der Life," pp. 134, 135. 



DANIEL BOONE 77 

history. The capture of Simon Kenton by the In- 
dians has already been mentioned. When brought 
into the council-house, Girty, as the common inter- 
preter, questioned him about the number of men in 
Kentucky and other particulars. He had just re- 
turned from an unsuccessful expedition against the 
frontier settlements of Pennsylvania, and, burning 
with disappointment and revenge, he determined to 
wreak his vengeance on the prisoner. On inquiring 
his name, he was answered in reply, "Simon Butler." 
Kenton, under that name, and Girty, had served as 
spies, been companions in Dunmore's campaign, and 
had become warmly attached to each other; for, at 
that time, the latter had not abandoned his country- 
men for the society of savages. The feelings of 
former friendship were awakened in Girty. He 
threw his arms around the neck of Kenton; then 
turned and addressed the astonished warriors in a 
short speech, and, with energy and entreaty, claimed 
the prisoner as his ancient comrade and friend ; say- 
ing that they had shared the same blanket, travelled 
on the same war-path, and slept in the same 
wigwam. 

The speech was listened to with entire silence. 
Several warriors expressed their approbation by 
their customary guttural interjection. Others op- 
posed his release, and urged the decision of the coun- 
cil already made known. Besides, Kenton had 
been guilty of a crime, which, in Indian ethics, was 
scarcely pardonable ; for he was taken in the act of 
attempting to cross the Ohio, with a drove of horses, 
which he and others had stolen from their village. 



yS AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

True it is, the horses were first stolen from the sta- 
tions in Kentucky; but this was, in their council, 
no apology for the act. Had he fallen upon their 
village, and killed or scalped a dozen families, he 
might have been honorably spared; but to retake 
the horses they had risked so much to obtain was too 
much. He was sentenced to the severest torture. 
The great council had decided that he must " eat 
fire." Girty again spoke, urged his own prowess 
and faithful services ; the scalps he had brought 
home on his late expedition; that he had never be- 
fore asked the life of a prisoner, and never would 
again. Fresh speakers arose on each side, and the 
debate continued two hours. At length the war- 
club was produced, and the final vote decided in 
favor of Kenton. Girty then led him to his own 
cabin, and from his stock of merchandise furnished 
him with necessary clothing.* 

Simon Girty's two brothers, James and George, 
were also adopted by the Indians, but were of less 
notoriety in savage exploits. Many of the mur- 
derous invasions of Kentucky may be traced to the 
infiuence and agency of McKee, Girty, and other 
abandoned white men in the Indian country. In 
some cases, captives taken in childhood were adopted 
into some family of braves, to supply the place of a 
deceased warrior; and they afterwards became 
adepts in robbery and murder. 

* The mode of voting, on such occasions, is to pass the war- 
club round the circle to each brave. They who strike it on 
the floor of the council-house vote for his death, while these 
who decide to spare the prisoner let the club pass them in 
silence. 



DANIEL BOONE 79 

Early in the summer of 1782, Colonel McKee and 
Simon Girty were putting forth all their strength 
and influence to invade Kentucky with a large force, 
and strike an effectual blow. The combination of 
warriors consisted of Shawanoes, Cherokees, Wy- 
andots, Miamis, Pottawatamies, and Ottawas, who 
were commanded by Simon Girty, and stimulated 
by the councils. McKee was in the expedition, but 
professed to act a subordinate part. They rallied 
at the old town of Chillicothe, about the ist of 
August, and marched with such celerity and secrecy, 
that they were undiscovered until the night of the 
14th of August, when Bryan's Station, about five 
miles from Lexington, was surrounded by nearly 
five hundred Indian warriors. 

The fort was situated on the southern bank of the 
Elkhorn, and on the left of the present road to Mays- 
ville. It contained about forty cabins, placed in 
parallel lines, and connected by strong palisades. 
The garrison consisted of about fifty men. The 
enemy was discovered early in the morning, by 
some of the men in an adjacent cornfield, who 
reached the fort in safety ; and expresses were sent 
off to Lexington and other stations for aid. Girty 
concealed his main force near the spring, which sup- 
plied the station with water, while a smaller party 
were directed to make a furious attack on the fort, 
in order to draw out the garrison in pursuit. In 
that case, the main party, with Girty at their head, 
would storm one of the gates, obtain possession, and 
kill or capture the whole garrison. 

But in the fort were some of the most experienced 



8o AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

persons in Indian artifice that Kentucky could fur- 
nish. The designs of the enemy were perceived. 
Veteran backwoodsmen were at no loss as to the 
feint of the enemy, and preparations were made to 
turn it to their own advantage. Thirteen fearless 
young men were selected, and sent out to attack and 
pursue the assailants, while the main body of the 
garrison placed themselves at the gates and bastions 
to meet the assault. The stratagem was successful. 
The small party of Indians retreated to the woods, 
followed by the corps of young men. Girty heard 
the firing, and supposing the main force to have left 
the fort, rushed with fury to the nearest gate with 
the main troop of warriors at his heels. Volley 
after volley of the Kentucky rifles soon convinced 
the leader, that he was the dupe of an artifice, and, 
struck with consternation, the Indians fled precipi- 
tately. Again they rallied to the attack, and the 
siege was kept up by a regular fire from both parties, 
with but little execution, for several hours. About 
two o'clock in the afternoon, a reinforcement of fifty 
men on horseback and on foot from Lexington ar- 
rived to the relief of the garrison. The Indians, 
aware of their approach, lay in ambush near the 
road. The horsemen rushed through, amidst a 
shower of balls, and reached the fort without the 
loss of a man. Those on foot were not so fortunate. 
They first entered a cornfield, through which they 
ought to have passed to the fort, sheltered as they 
were from the fire of the enemy; but, from some 
mistake, they turned into the road, fell into the am- 
buscade, and lost six of their number. 



DANIEL BOONE 8 1 

The chiefs, alarmed at this reinforcement, and 
expecting the arrival of other and more formidable 
parties, were in favor of an immediate retreat to 
their own country. But Girty, the most furious of 
all, having been foiled in his efforts to subdue the 
station by force, had the vanity to think he could 
succeed by negotiation. He had been wounded by 
a ball that day, which entered his shot-pouch, while 
engaged with the footmen from Lexington. He 
crawled to a stump near one of the bastions, and de- 
manded a parley. Commending their manly de- 
fence of the station, he urged that further resistance 
was impracticable, alluding to the number and fierce- 
ness of his followers, and affirmed that he had a re- 
inforcement near, with several pieces of artillery, 
with which he threatened the garrison. 

He forewarned them, that, if they did not then 
surrender, he could not restrain the savages from a 
general massacre, when the fort should be taken by 
violence, as it would be, but promised them life and 
safety now, with a solemn declaration " upon his 
honor," if they would submit as prisoners of war. 
He was heard patiently and without fear, and an- 
swered, not by the commander, who would not pay 
him the least respect, but by a courageous and face- 
tious young man, by the name of Reynolds, in the 
most pungent and taunting style. Girty returned 
crestfallen to his camp, which was found deserted 
the next morninsf.* 



* To Girty 's inquiry, " whether the garrison knew him," 
Reynolds replied, " that he was very well known ; that he (the 
speaker) had a worthless dog, to which he had given the 

A. B., VOL. I.— 6 



82 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

Girty, McKee, and the Indians, took the great 
buffalo trace towards Ruddle's and Martin's Sta- 
tions, on a circuitous route to the Lower Blue Licks. 
Their camp-fires were left burning; their trail was 
plainly marked ; and every indication showed that 
they desired a pursuit, for they even marked the 
trees with their tomahawks along their path. 



name of Simon Girty, in consequence of his striking resem- 
blance to the man of that name; that if he had artillery or 
reinforcements, he might bring them up; but that if either he, 
or any of the naked rascals with him, found their way into 
the fort, they would disdain to use their guns against them, 
but would drive them out again with whips, of which they 
had collected a large number for that purpose;" and, finally, 
he declared, " that they also expected reinforcements ; that the 
whole country was marching to their assistance ; and that, 
if Girty and his gang of murderers remained twenty-four hours 
longer before the fort, their scalps would be found drying in 
the sun upon the roofs of their cabins." McClung's "Sketches," 
P- 17' 



CHAPTER V 

Troops raised to follow the Indians. — Colonel Boone, his Son, 
and Brother, of the Party. — Council of Officers and Boone's 
Advice. — Imprudence of Major McGary. — Disastrous Bat- 
tle at the Blue Licks. — Campaign of General George Rogers 
Clark. — Female Heroism. — Preliminaries of Peace. 

Information of the attack on Bryan's Station 
having spread with great rapidity through the coun- 
try, the mihtia were summoned to its defence. 
Early in the day after the retreat of the Indians, 
reinforcements began to come in, and before night 
one hundred and eighty-two men had repaired to 
Bryan's Station. Colonel Daniel Boone, with his 
son Israel and brother Samuel, headed a strong 
party from Boonesborough ; Colonel Stephen Trigg 
brought up the forces from Harrodsburg ; and Colo- 
nel John Todd came with the militia from Lexing- 
ton. Majors Harlan, McGary, McBride, and Levi 
Todd were of the party. 

Colonel Benjamin Logan, who resided at a 
greater distance, raised a large reinforcement with- 
in his command, but did not arrive in season. Colo- 
nel Todd, as senior officer, took the command. A 
council of officers was held under circumstances the 
reverse of cool, deliberate decision. A large ma- 
jority were for instant pursuit. The more cautious, 
of whom Boone was one, deemed it advisable to 

83 



84 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

wait for the arrival of Colonel Benjamin Logan and 
his force. 

Colonel Todd was heard to say, that Boone was 
a coward, and if they waited till Colonel Logan came 
up, he would gain all the laurels, l)ut if they pressed 
forward, they would gain all the glory. The opin- 
ions of the majority prevailed, and they proceeded 
on the trail. The more experienced of the party, 
and particularly Colonel Boone, soon became con- 
vinced that their enemies were employing means for 
a decoy. The trees were marked with their toma- 
hawks, the ground much trampled, while their camp- 
fires were few; showing a design to mask their 
numbers. Still no Indians were seen until they 
reached the bluffs of the Licking, opposite the Lower 
Blue Licks. A few were then discovered, marching 
over a ridge on the opposite side. 

The country around was singularly wild and ro- 
mantic. The licks, for ages, had been the resort 
of buffaloes and other wild animals, which had 
cropped the herbage from the surrounding hills. 
Near their base, the rains had swept away the soil, 
and left the rocks bare for a long distance. The 
river, by forming an abrupt curve on the north, or 
opposite side from the army, encircled a ridge for 
a mile or more in extent. Two ravines commenced 
near the top of this ridge, and, covered with timber 
and brushwood, passed on each side of the ridge in 
nearly opposite directions, down to the river, form- 
ing an admirable covert for the enemy. In these 
ravines the main body of the Indians, consisting of 
four or five hundred warriors, headed by Girty and 



DANIEL BOONE 85 

McKee, were concealed, unknown to the Kentucky 
troops. The buffalo and Indian trace, which they 
were following, and on which they saw the Indians, 
led across this ridge, so as to enclose the party as in 
a net, while they passed between the ravines. 

Colonel Todd ordered a halt, for further consul- 
tation, before they passed the river, and especially 
solicited the views of Colonel Boone. The opinion 
of one distinguished for his prudence, circumspec- 
tion, and perfect knowledge of Indian tactics, ought 
to have had weight. Boone was familiar with the 
country. He knew every ravine and place of am- 
buscade about the Licking. He had hunted amongst 
its romantic cliffs, made salt at the licks, and had 
been surprised by the wily Indians, and taken pris- 
oner in 1778. His opinion was, that the Indian 
force of some four or five hundred warriors, taking 
the route they did, and marking their trail so dis- 
tinctly, would lay an ambuscade, and he recom- 
mended waiting until Colonel Logan should arrive 
with his reinforcement ; but, in the event of a de- 
termination to proceed, he advised a division of the 
troops into two parties, one of which should proceed 
above the bend of the river, cross so as to pass 
round the ravine, and be prepared to attack them in 
the rear ; while the other party should cross the ford 
at the licks, and follow the trail over the ridge. By 
this manoeuvre, the Indians would be surprised in 
their concealment, attacked on both sides, and de- 
feated. Should both of these suggestions be re- 
jected. Colonel Boone then proposed, that, before 
they resumed their march, an effort should be made 



86 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

to ascertain the numbers and exact position of the 
enemy, by sending scouts to examine the surround- 
ing country. 

Before any judgment was pronounced by the 
council, on either of these propositions, all further 
deliberations were arrested by the imprudence of 
one of the officers, who had expressed dissatisfaction 
at the tardy movements of Boone and others who 
advised caution. Major McGary, in defiance of all 
due subordination, and with rashness wholly unbe- 
coming a brave officer, raised the war-whoop, and 
called out, " Those who are not cowards, follow me ; 
I will show you where the Indians are ;" and rushed 
with his horse into the river. In the impulse of the 
moment about two-thirds of the party followed 
McGary. The remainder lingered a few moments 
with Colonels Todd and Boone, who soon followed 
across the stream, and ordered a halt. Colonel 
Boone again proposed that the army should remain 
in its present position until scouts could reconnoitre 
the ground in front. This was acceded to, and two 
bold and experienced men were selected to proceed 
from the lick along the buffalo trace, half a mile 
beyond the ravines, where the path branched off in 
various directions. They were instructed to exam- 
ine the country with the utmost care on each side of 
the trace, especially where it passed between the 
ravines, and, on discovery of the enemy, to return 
in haste to the army. 

The scouts performed the hazardous and respon- 
sible service, passed over the ridge, proceeded to 
the place designated, and returned in safety. No 



DANIEL BOONE 8/ 

Indians were seen ; and yet more than four hundred 
warriors were lying in the ravines. The orders 
were given to march, and the appalhng truth was 
soon known. The vigilance of the scouts had been 
eluded. The troops marched within forty yards of 
the ravines before a gun was fired, and then the 
Indians commenced the battle with great fury. 
Colonel Todd commanded the centre, Colonel Trigg 
the right, and Colonel Boone the left. Major Har- 
lan advanced in front, Major McGary was in the 
centre, and Major Levi Todd brought up the rear. 
The overwhelming numbers and concealed position 
of the enemy gave them great advantage. 

The first fire was peculiarly severe on the right. 
Colonel Trigg fell, and with him a large number of 
the Harrodsburg troops. Colonel Boone sustained 
himself manfully on the left. Major Harlan's ad- 
vanced guard maintained their ground until three 
men only remained. This gallant and highly re- 
spected officer fell covered with wounds. Colonel 
John Todd was soon mortally wounded, being shot 
through the body; and the last time he was seen, 
he was reeling on his horse, with the blood stream- 
ing from his wounds. The Indians now rushed 
upon them with their tomahawks and the most 
frightful yells, while others, still concealed, kept up 
a deadly fire. The troops gave way, and made a 
precipitate and disorderly retreat to the ford, some 
on horseback, others on foot, and the Indians in close 
pursuit. The fugitives hurried with tumultuous 
rapidity down the naked slope of the ridge to the 
ford at the lick. Here, on the rocky bank, and in 



88 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

the river, the execution was horrible. In this ex- 
tremity, a single fortunate incident checked the sav- 
ages, and gave an opportunity for many of the 
troops to escape. 

A man by the name of Netherland, who on 
former occasions had been called a coward, dis- 
played presence of mind and self-control that gave 
him the character of a hero. Being mounted on a 
spirited horse, he had outrun the fugitives, and, with 
twelve or fifteen other horsemen, had gained the op- 
posite bank. His comrades were disposed to con- 
sult their own safety; but, casting his eyes around, 
and seeing the Indians rushing into the water to 
kill those who were struggling in the ford, he called 
with a loud voice, as though he was in command, 
to his panic-stricken companions, " Halt ! Fire on 
the Indians, and protect the men in the river." The 
command was instantly obeyed, and a volley from a 
dozen rifles checked the savages, and gave oppor- 
tunity for many to escape. This resistance was but 
momentary. Many of the Indians crossed the river 
by swimming above and below the ford. The 
Kentuckians, who escaped on foot, plunged into the 
thickets, and made their way to Bryan's Station, 
thirty-six miles distant, and the nearest place of 
shelter. But little loss was sustained after recross- 
ing the river, although the pursuit continued for 
twenty miles. 

From the head of the ravines to the river, for 
more than a mile, the loss was severe. During that 
part of the retreat, an instance of heroism and gen- 
erous magnanimity was displayed, which every his- 



DANIEL BOONE 89 

torian of this disastrous battle has recorded with 
credit to the parties. The reader will recollect young 
Reynolds, who made the taunting reply to Girty at 
Bryan's Station, He had been in the thickest of 
the fight, and was making a successful retreat to the 
ford, and his situation was critical, when he over- 
took Captain Robert Patterson, exhausted, and lame 
from wounds received from the Indians on a former 
occasion. The Indians were but a few yards be- 
hind, and his fate seemed inevitable. Reynolds, on 
coming up with this brave and infirm officer, sprang 
from his horse, and aided Captain Patterson to 
mount, resolved to risk his own escape on foot. 
Being remarkably vigorous and active, he contrived 
to elude his pursuers, and swam the river below the 
ford; but he was overtaken by a party of Indians, 
and made prisoner. In the eagerness of pursuit, 
they became separated; till a single stout Indian, 
armed with a tomahawk and rifle, had him in charge. 
The Indian stooped down to tie his moccasin, when 
Reynolds, who had watched for an opportunity, 
knocked him down, seized his gun, and effected his 
escape. For this generous act Captain Patterson 
presented him with two hundred acres of land. 

Colonel Boone maintained his ground until the 
rout became general, when his whole attention was 
directed to preserve as many lives as possible. He 
knew the country in every direction, and, with his 
son, who was mortally wounded, and whom he en- 
deavored to bring off, he made his way to a place 
on the river below the curve and the ravine, where 
he could easily swim the current. Before he 



90 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

reached the bank, his son was in the agony of death, 
and he was obhged to leave his body to be mutilated 
by the tomahawk of the savages, that he might save 
his own life. Narrow indeed was his chance of 
escape on that ill-fated day. To him the incidents 
of the day must have been extremely distressing and 
vexatious. In the morning, he was engaged in per- 
suading the commander and his brother officers to 
a course, which, if adopted, would have changed the 
fate of the day, and probably turned its disasters on 
the enemy. In the evening, he was exhausted with 
fatigue, mourning the untimely death of a beloved 
son, mortified by defeat, painfully ignorant of the 
extent of the loss, and making his way through the 
wilderness to Bryan's Station.* His brother Sam- 
uel was severely wounded, but made his escape. 

Of one hundred and eighty-two persons who went 
out to the battle, about one-third were killed, twelve 
wounded, and seven carried off prisoners, who were 
put to the torture after they reached the Indian 
towns. The loss of the Indians was not known, 
but was supposed to be equal in number; and so the 
Indians afterwards represented it.* The loss to 
Kentucky, in this battle, was greater and more 



* The death of his son and the disasters of this day were 
never effaced from the mind of the old pioneer. Nearly forty 
years after the sad event, he could not rehearse the story 
without tears. While on the retreat with his son, a very large 
Indian sprang towards him with his uplifted tomahawk, and, 
when but a few feet distant, received the contents of the Col- 
onel's gun in his body. 

* Marshall's " Kentucky," Vol. I. p. 141. Boone's " Narra- 
tive," by Filson. The Indians, unless driven from the battle- 
field by defeat, always carry ofT and bury or secrete their dead. 



DANIEL BOONE 9I 

affllctingf than any before experienced in the colony. 
The melancholy intelligence spread through the 
country, and covered the land with mourning. A 
large proportion of the troops from Harrod's Sta- 
tion, with Colonel Trigg and Major Harlan, were 
left among the slain. Colonels Todd and Trigg 
were particularly deplored for their eminent social 
and private worth, intelligence, and urbanity. Of 
Major Harlan it has been justly said, " No officer 
was more brave and none more beloved in the field." 
With his friend McBride, he accompanied McGary 
across the river, and both fell in the early part of the 
conflict. 

McGary, by whose imprudence the action was 
brought on, contrary to the advice of Boone, though 
in advance at first, escaped without the slightest in- 
jury to his person. Various statements concur in 
representing him to have been a man of fierce and 
daring courage, but of a fiery and ferocious temper, 
void of humane and gentle qualities, a quarrelsome 
and unpleasant man in civil life. It has been re- 
ported by those, who were well acquainted with him, 
that he frankly acknowledged he was the immediate 
cause of the disasters of the day, and said, in his 
justification, that, when at Bryan's Station, he urged 
delay in marching until Colonel Logan should come 
up with his reinforcement; but that Colonels Todd 
and Trigg were for immediate pursuit, alleging, 
that, if they waited for Colonel Logan, he would 
bear off the laurels of victory; and being nettled 
that his advice was not taken, when they parleyed 
at the lick about crossing, and talked about waiting, 



92 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

he was determined they should have a fight, or be 
disgraced. 

True courage consists not in rash and brutal force, 
but in that command of the passions by which the 
judgment is enabled to act with promptitude and 
decision on any emergency. By such rash men as 
McGary, Colonel Boone was charged with want of 
courage, when the result proved his superior wisdom 
and foresight. All the testimony gives Boone credit 
for his sagacity and correctness in judgment before 
the action, and his coolness and self-possession in 
covering the retreat. His report of this battle to 
Benjamin Harrison, Governor of Virginia, is one 
of the few official documents that remain from his 
pen. 

" Boone's Station, Fayette County, 

" August 30th, 1782. 

" Sir, 

" Present circumstances of affairs cause me to 
write to your Excellency as follows. On the i6th 
instant, a large number of Indians, with some white 
men, attacked one of our frontier stations, known 
by the name of Bryan's Station. The siege con- 
tinued from about sunrise till about ten o'clock the 
ne.xt day, when they marched off. Notice being 
given to the neighboring stations, we immediately 
raised one hundred and eighty-one horsemen, com- 
manded by Colonel John Todd, including some of 
the Lincoln county militia, commanded by Colonel 
Trigg, and pursued about forty miles. 

" On the 19th instant, we discovered the enemy 



DANIEL BOONE 93 

lying in wait for us. On this discovery, we formed 
our columns into one single line, and marched up in 
their front within about forty yards, before there 
was a gun fired. Colonel Trigg commanded on the 
right, myself on the left. Major McGary in the cen- 
tre, and Major Harlan the advanced party in front. 
From the manner in which we had formed, it fell 
to my lot to bring on the attack. This was done 
with a very heavy fire on both sides, and extended 
back of the line to Colonel Trigg, where the enemy 
was so strong they rushed up and broke the right 
wing at the first fire. Thus the enemy got in our 
rear, with the loss of seventy-seven of our men, and 
twelve wounded. Afterwards we were reinforced 
by Colonel Logan, which made our force four hun- 
dred and sixty men. We marched again to the 
battle-ground ; but, finding the enemy had gone, we 
proceeded to bury the dead. 

" We found forty-three on the ground, and many 
lay about, which we could not stay to find, hungry 
and weary as we were, and somewhat dubious that 
the enemy might not have gone off quite. By the 
sign, we thought that the Indians had exceeded four 
hundred; while the whole of this militia of the 
county does not amount to more than one hundred 
and thirty. From these facts your Excellency may 
form an idea of our situation. 

" I know that your own circumstances are criti- 
cal ; but are we to be wholly forgotten ? I hope 
not. I trust about five hundred men may be sent to 
our assistance immediately. If these shall be sta- 
tioned as our county lieutenants shall deem neces- 



94 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

sary, it may be the means of saving our part of the 
country; but if they are placed under the direction 
of General Clark, they will be of little or no service 
to our settlement. The Falls lie one hundred miles 
west of us, and the Indians northeast; while our 
men are frequently called to protect them. I have 
encouraged the people in this county all that I could ; 
but I can no longer justify them or myself to risk 
our lives here under such extraordinary hazard. 
The inhabitants of this county are very much 
alarmed at the thought of the Indians bringing 
another campaign into our country this fall. If this 
should be the case, it will break up these settlements. 
I hope, therefore, your Excellency will take the mat- 
ter into your consideration, and send us some relief 
as quickly as possible. 

" These are my sentiments, without consulting 
any person. Colonel Logan will, I expect, immedi- 
ately send you an express, by whom I humbly re- 
quest your Excellency's answer. In the meanwhile, 
I remain, &c. 

" Daniel Boone." 

On the day that this rash and unfortunate battle 
was fought. Colonel Logan reached Bryan's Station 
with four hundred and fifty men. He learned that 
the little army of one hundred and eighty-two had 
set out the preceding day ; and, fearful of some dis- 
aster, he had made a forced march, and set forward 
on their trail. Within a few miles from Bryan's 
Station he met the first party of fugitives. As 
usual with men after defeat, they magnified the 



DANIEL BOONE 95 

number of the enemy, and the loss on their side; 
for no one then knew the extent of their loss, and 
each separate party supposed all the rest were slain. 
Colonel Logan now resolved to return to the fort 
he had just left, and wait until more of the survivors 
should come in. By night, both horse and foot had 
reassembled at the station, and the extent of their 
loss became known. 

At a late hour that night, Colonel Logan, with his 
reinforcement, accompanied by Colonel Boone and a 
few of the survivors, started for the battle-ground. 
Stopping once to rest and refresh his men for two 
or three hours towards morning, he was enabled to 
reach the place of slaughter by noon the next day. 
The enemy were gone, but the sight was horrible. 
Dead and mutilated bodies were strowed through 
the scattering timber, submerged in the river, and 
spread over the rocky ridge. Immense flocks of 
vultures were perched on the trees, hovering in the 
air, or moving over the field among the slain, gorged 
with the horrid repast. The savages had mangled 
and scalped many ; the wolves had torn others ; and 
the oppressive heat of August had so disfigured their 
remains, that the persons of but few could be dis- 
tinguished by their friends. They were interred as 
decently as the circumstances would admit, and Col- 
onel Logan, believing that the Indians had made a 
rapid retreat to their own country, as is their custom 
after a successful engagement, retraced his course 
to Bryan's Station, where he dismissed his men. 

The Indian army having been composed of parties 
from different tribes, and satisfied with the result 



9^ AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

of their expedition, the largest part recrossed the 
Ohio. A few scattering savages had the boldness 
to take a western route through Jefferson county, 
with the intention of increasing the number of 
scalps and prisoners. About the ist of September, 
they killed several persons, and took a number of 
prisoners. Colonel Floyd ordered out a party of 
militia, and scoured the country about Salt River; 
but they had departed. 

As soon as the intelligence of the defeat at the 
Blue Licks reached the fort at Louisville, General 
George R. Clark made arrangements for a formida- 
ble expedition into the Indian country. Impressed 
with feelings of sympathy for the distress of the 
sufferers, and convinced of the necessity of active 
measures to arouse the country from despondency, 
he invited the principal officers of the militia to a 
council, and laid before them the plan of a campaign. 
Volunteers were first to be called for, and, should 
this method fail of furnishing the requisite number, 
then they would resort to a draft. The expedition 
being announced, and the conditions made known, 
the call was made for volunteers. The confidence 
of the officers in the patriotism of the people was not 
disappointed. Both officers and privates turned out, 
to the number of one thousand mounted riflemen; 
while pack-horses, beeves, and other supplies were 
sent by those who could not go themselves. 

Bryan's Station was selected as the place of ren- 
dezvous for the upper country, and the Falls of Ohio 
for the lower settlements. Each division, under the 
immediate command of Colonels Floyd and Logan, 



DANIEL BOONE 97 

met at the mouth of the Licking, opposite the present 
site of Cincinnati, ready for the campaign. Here 
General Clark took the command in person. Colonel 
Boone was along, of course; probably as a volun- 
teer, for no mention is made of any command. The 
expedition was conducted with that dispatch for 
which General Clark, on former occasions, had ob- 
tained celebrity. The supplies of provisions, gener- 
ously furnished by the inhabitants, could not be car- 
ried on the march, except what each soldier could 
take with him for temporary subsistence. The 
woods abounded with game; but the secrecy and 
rapidity of their march did not allow them to send 
out hunting-parties. Hence the troops suffered 
from hunger and fatigue. 

They came within half a mile of the rear of 
Girty's party, returning from their expedition 
to Kentucky, and were discovered by two Indians, 
that gave the alarm of "a mighty army on its 
march." Their camp was immediately evacuated, 
the alarming intelligence was spread by runners 
through their towns, and dismay and flight were the 
result. Empty cabins and deserted fields were to be 
seen, and occasionally a scouting party, which fled 
on being discovered. On entering the town of Old 
Chillicothe, the houses gave signs of a recent aban- 
donment. Fires were burning, and provisions were 
in process of being cooked. These were acceptable 
to the half-famished Kentuckians. Boone says, 
" The savages fled in the utmost disorder, evacuated 
their towns, and reluctantly left their territory to 
our mercy. We immediately took possession of the 

A. B., VOL. I. —7 



98 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

town of Old Chillicothe without opposition, it being 
deserted by its inhabitants. In this expedition we 
took seven prisoners and five scalps, with the loss of 
only four men, two of whom were accidentally killed 
by our own army." 

The troops destroyed four other towns, two of 
which also were called Chillicothe, and Pickaway, 
and Willstown, all which they reduced to ashes. 
They cut up and destroyed the fields of corn, and 
desolated the whole country. Amongst the pris- 
oners was an old chief, of much distinction in his 
tribe, who was clandestinely murdered by some of 
the party, much to the regret of General Clark and 
his officers. 

This campaign, by the destruction of their towns 
and provisions, paralyzed the Indians more than the 
loss of a battle. It convinced them of the superior- 
ity of the whites, and so disheartened them that no 
more formidable invasions of Kentucky were at- 
tempted. Their confederacy was dissolved, and 
their army dispersed ; yet small parties continued to 
make attacks on individual families in the exposed 
parts of the country. 

While the army of General Clark was spreading 
terror and desolation amongst the northern tribes, a 
small party of southern Indians made an incursion 
into the settlement called Crab Orchard, where an 
incident took place, which, for its novelty rather 
than its importance, and as an illustration of the 
energy and fortitude of the female sex in these times 
of exposure, captivity, and death, is here narrated. 

A party rof savages approached a single cabin, in 



DANIEL BOONE 99 

which were the mother, children, and a negro man, 
from whom they expected no resistance. One of 
the number entered in advance of the rest, thinking 
doubtless to secure the whole as prisoners, or at least 
to obtain their scalps. He seized the negro man, 
expecting no resistance from the others. In the 
scuffle, both fell, when the children shut and bolted 
the door, and with an axe the mother cut off the 
Indian's head. The remainder of the party, hear- 
ing the scuffle, rushed to the door, which they found 
barricaded against them, and they assailed it with 
their tomahawks. The mother seized an old rusty 
gun, without a lock, which lay in the corner, and put 
it through a crevice in the logs, which so alarmed 
them, that they left the place. 

The defeat of the British army at Yorktown, Vir- 
ginia, and the capture of Lord Cornwallis, prepared 
the way for the preliminaries of peace with Great 
Britain, and put a check upon their Indian allies; 
and for a time the country was not molested. The 
expedition under General Clark, above described, 
was the last in which Colonel Boone was engaged 
for the defence of the settlements of Kentucky. 



LofC. 



CHAPTER VI 

Cessation of Indian Hostilities. — Colonel Boone on his Farm. 
— Incident with four Indians. — Retrospect of Society and 
the former Condition of the People. — The Kentuckians and 
Western People generally. — Social Feelings of Colonel 
Boone. — Frontier Hunters. — Their Modes of Hunting. 

In the year 1783, a new era opened in Kentucky. 
The Indians of the northwest had felt severely the 
effects of the expedition of General Clark. The 
cessation of hostilities with Great Britain, and the 
expectation of the surrender of the northern mili- 
tary posts within the boundaries of the United 
States, filled the minds of the ignorant savages with 
apprehension of the consequences to themselves if 
they continued their assaults upon Kentucky. 
Nothing could be more opportune to the feelings of 
the people than the prospect of peace with the 
Indians. They were now intent upon the acquisi- 
tion of lands, establishing farms, and providing 
themselves with the comforts of life. 

The loss sustained by Colonel Boone in the means 
of purchasing lands has been mentioned already. 
Still, by the amounts due for military service ren- 
dered to the commonwealth of Virginia and the pro- 
ceeds of his own industry, he was enabled to pay for 
several locations of land, on one of which he con- 
structed a comfortable log-house and established a 

100 



DANIEL BOONE lOI 

farm, intended for his future and permanent resi- 
dence. He was never idle or thriftless, and his in- 
dustry soon provided the necessities and many of the 
comforts of frontier life. For several succeeding 
years he cultivated his farm, and, during the season 
of game, followed his favorite amusement of hunt- 
ing; and this, not as a mere amusement, but as a 
source of profit and the means of subsistence. 

In the meantime, the settlements were rapidly in- 
creasing in number and extent; the forest gave 
place to cultivated farms, towns and villages arose, 
and civilization made rapid advances in this wilder- 
ness. In the Spring of 1783, an important change 
took place in the judiciary system, of the first im- 
portance to the administration of justice and the 
prosperity of the country. The three counties 
already formed in Kentucky, by a law of the legisla- 
ture of Virginia, were erected into a district, and a 
new court of common law and chancery jurisdiction 
was established. This court was invested with the 
powers of oyer and terminer for criminal cases, and 
for hearing and determining land causes. Harrods- 
burg at first was the seat of justice; but, for want 
of accommodations, the court was removed to a 
meeting-house six miles distant. The construction 
of a log-house at this site, large enough for a court- 
room and two jury-rooms, and another building for 
a prison, drew attention to the spot, and the town of 
Danville soon arose on the site. Here the court con- 
tinued to hold its sessions until Kentucky became a 
State. 

Though no hostile attacks from Indians disturbed 



102 AMEAICAN BIOGAAPHY 

the settlements, still there were small parties discov- 
ered, or signs seen in the frontier settlements. On 
one occasion, about this period, four Indians came 
to the farm of Colonel Boone, and nearly succeeded 
in taking him prisoner. The particulars are given, 
as they were narrated by Boone himself, at the wed- 
ding of a granddaughter, a few months before his 
decease, and they furnish an illustration of his habit- 
ual self-possession and tact with Indians. At a 
short distance from his cabin, he had raised a small 
patch of tobacco, to supply his neighbors, (for 
Boone never used the weed himself,) the amount, 
perhaps, of one hundred and fifty hills. 

As a shelter for curing it, he had built an enclos- 
ure of rails, a dozen feet in height, and covered it 
with cane and grass. Stalks of tobacco are usually 
split and strung on sticks about four feet in length. 
The ends of these were laid on poles, placed across 
the tobacco-house, and in tiers, one above the other, 
to the roof. Boone had fixed his temporary shelter 
in such a manner as to have three tiers. He had 
covered the lower tier, and the tobacco had become 
dry, when he entered the shelter for the purpose of 
removing the sticks to the upper tier, preparatory to 
gathering the remainder of the crop. He had 
hoisted up the sticks from the lower to the second 
tier, and was standing on the poles that supported 
it while raising the sticks to the upper tier, when 
four stout Indians, with guns, entered the low door 
and called him by name. " Now, Boone, we got 
you. You no get away more. We carry you off 
to Chillicothe this time. You no cheat us any 



DANIEL BOONE IO3 

more." Boone looked down upon their upturned 
faces, saw their loaded guns pointed at his breast, 
and recognizing some of his old friends, the Shawa- 
noes, who had made him prisoner near the Blue 
Licks, in 1778, coolly and pleasantly responded, 
" Ah ! old friends ! Glad to see you." Perceiving 
that they manifested impatience to have him come 
down, he told them he was quite willing to go with 
them, and only begged they would wait where they 
were, and watch him closely, until he could finish 
removing his tobacco. 

While parleying with them, inquiring after old 
acquaintances, and proposing to give them his to- 
bacco when cured, he diverted their attention from 
his purpose, until he had collected together a number 
of sticks of dry tobacco, and so turned them as to 
fall between the poles directly in their faces. At the 
same instant, he jumped upon them with as much of 
the dry tobacco as he could gather in his arms, filling 
their mouths and eyes with its pungent dust, and, 
blinding and disabling them from following him, 
rushed out and hastened to his cabin, where he had 
the means of defence. Notwithstanding the narrow 
escape, he could not resist the temptation, after re- 
treating some fifteen or twenty yards, to look round 
and see the success of his achievement. The Indians, 
blinded and nearly suffocated, were stretching out 
their hands and feeling about in different directions, 
calling him by name, and cursing him for a rogue, 
and themselves for fools. The old man, in telling 
the story, imitated their gestures and tones of voice 
with great glee. 



I04 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

The formation of new settlements in Kentucky 
was no longer a military enterprise, but a mere act 
of civil life. Emigration poured in to augment the 
population. The arts connected with agriculture 
became established in the country. Aloney was 
more abundant, and labor of every description met 
its reward. Horses, cattle, and swine multiplied 
rapidly, and the fields were loaded with maize and 
other kinds of grain. Trade and barter sprang up 
among the citizens, amusements followed, schools 
were opened for teaching the elementary branches 
of education, and provision was made for a semi- 
nary of higher learning, which eventually grew into 
Transylvania University. Merchandise, which hith- 
erto had been brought hundreds of miles on pack- 
horses, was transported from Philadelphia to Fort 
Pitt in wagons, and thence to the Falls of the Ohio 
in flat-bottomed boats ; and small retail stores were 
established in the rising towns. Companies of land 
speculators were organized in Philadelphia and 
other eastern cities, which poured their accumula- 
tions of paper currency on Virginia for land war- 
rants, and had their agents in Kentucky for the pur- 
pose of selecting the lands. 

In reference to the changes that rapidly took place 
in the manners, customs, and modes of living, as 
population and improvements in domestic economy 
advanced, it may be interesting to look at the state 
of things during the period of Indian hostilities. 
It is no reproach, or disparagement, to the first set- 
tlers of a new country to say, that they were inured 
to danger, to labor, and to rough living. Such have 



DANIEL BOONE 105 

been the circumstances of every State in the Union, 
of every civiHzed country on the globe, in its early 
history. A large majority of the emigrants to Ken- 
tucky were from frontier settlements in Virginia, 
North Carolina, and other States, and, by early 
habits, were well fitted to be pioneers in the wilder- 
ness. Few others could have encountered the dan- 
gers and difficulties, or sustained the hardships, of 
planting the standard of civilization in the wilds of 
the west. The duties of the household were dis- 
charged by the females, who attended the dairy, per- 
formed the culinary operations, spun, wove, and 
made up the clothing for the whole family, carried 
the water from the spring, and did much other labor- 
ious service, from which the sex in a more advanced 
condition of society is happily exempted. The 
building of forts and cabins, clearing of land, hunt- 
ing game in the woods, defending the stations from 
Indian assaults, and planting, cultivating, and gath- 
ering the crops, were the appropriate business of the 
men ; though the other sex not infrequently fur- 
nished aid in the farmer's fields. During a siege, 
it was not unusual for females to mould and prepare 
bullets, and even load the rifles for their husbands, 
brothers, or fathers. 

For clothing, deer-skins were extensively used for 
hunting-shirts, pantaloons, leggings, moccasins, and 
handkerchiefs ; and the skin of the wolf, or fox, was 
frequently the covering for the head. Strips of 
buffalo-hide were used for ropes, and the dressed 
skins of the buffalo, bear, and elk furnished the 
principal covering for the beds at night. Wooden 



I06 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

vessels, either dug out or coopered, were in common 
use for the table. A gourd formed the drinking 
cup. Every hunter carried his knife, while not in- 
frequently others of the family had one or two be- 
tween them. If a family chanced to have a few 
pewter dishes and spoons, knives and forks, tin cups 
and platters, this was in advance of their neighbors. 
Corn was beaten into meal in a hominy mortar, or 
ground in a hand-mill, of a construction similar to 
one in use amongst the Jews in ancient times. 

Cabin is the name, throughout the west, for a 
plain, rough log-house, constructed in the cheapest 
and simplest form. Nails and glass were unknown 
in buildings in the early settlements of Kentucky. 
Split slabs of timber, rough hewn, made the floor, 
and clapboards split from logs formed the covering 
of the roof. The table was constructed of the same 
materials. Stools and blocks supplied the place of 
chairs; and sticks inserted in the logs of the house, 
and supported by a corner post, or fork, constituted 
the bedstead. Other furniture and utensils were of 
like description. The food, in general, was of the 
most nutritious kind, and was had in great pro- 
fusion. Milk, butter, and meat of various kinds, 
especially that of buffaloes, bears, and venison, was 
within the reach of every family. During the first 
few years, and under the pressure of Indian alarms, 
but little maize and other grain could be raised ; but, 
when peace came, plenty smiled, and the phrase, 
" children crying for bread," used as a figure of 
speech in other countries, lost its meaning in the 
west. The meal of maize, prepared in many differ- 



DANIEL BOONE IO7 

ent forms, and the finest of wheat, constituted the 
bread of every family. 

The two prominent characteristics of the Ken- 
tuckians, formed in these early times, and still mark- 
ing the population, and which, indeed, have spread 
over the new States of the western valley, are gen- 
erous hospitality and social equality. 

" Hospitality and kindness are among the virtues 
of the first settlers. Exposed to common dangers 
and toils, they become united by the closest ties of 
social intercourse. Accustomed to arm in each 
other's defence, to aid in each other's labor, to assist 
in the affectionate duty of nursing the sick, and the 
mournful office of burying the dead, the best affec- 
tions of the heart are kept in constant exercise ; and 
there is, perhaps, no class of men in our country 
who obey the calls of friendship, or the claims of 
benevolence, with such cheerful promptness, or with 
so liberal a sacrifice of personal convenience. 

" We read of marvellous stories of the ferocity 
of western men. The name of Kentuckian is con- 
tinually associated with the idea of fighting, dirking, 
and gouging. The people of whom we are now 
writing, do not deserve this character. They live 
together in great harmony, with little contention, 
and less litigation. The backwoodsmen are a gen- 
erous and a placable race. They are bold and im- 
petuous ; and when differences do arise among them, 
they are more apt to give vent to their resentment at 
once, than to brood over their wrongs, or to seek 
legal redress. But this conduct is productive of 
harmony ; for men are always more guarded in their 



I08 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

deportment to each other, and more cautious of giv- 
ing offence, when they know that the insult will be 
quickly felt, and instantly resented, than when the 
consequences of an offensive action are doubtful, 
and the retaliation distant. We have no evidence 
that the pioneers of Kentucky were quarrelsome or 
cruel ; and an intimate acquaintance with the same 
race, at a later period, has led the writer to the con- 
clusion, that they are a humane people; bold and 
daring when opposed to an enemy, but amiable in 
their intercourse with each other and with strangers, 
and habitually inclined to peace." * 

The various tales told of the prejudices of Colonel 
Boone against civilization and social enjoyments are 
fictitious. He was not anti-social in his feelings 
and sympathies. He loved his fellow-creatures; he 
loved his children; he sympathized with suffering 
and oppressed humanity; he rejoiced in the pros- 
perity of others, provided they were honest, indus- 
trious, and virtuous. The indolent and vicious he 
abhorred and despised. Yet, unquestionably, he 
delighted in rural frontier life. Hunting was a rul- 
ing passion. As soon as the frosts had killed the 
undergrowth, and the leaves of autumn had fallen, 
and the weather had become rainy, with an occa- 
sional light snow, Boone began to feel uneasy at 
home. The passion for hunting became excited. 
Everything was unpleasant. The house was too 
warm, the bed too soft, and even the good wife not 
the most desirable companion. The chase occupied 

* Hall's " Sketches of History, Life, and Manners in the 
West," Vol. II. p. 70. 



DANIEL BOONE IO9 

the thoughts of the hunter by day, and his dreams 
by night. 

The late Reverend Joseph Doddridge has given 
an exact and graphic portraiture of the feehngs of 
the backwoods hunter. " I have often seen them 
get up early in the morning at this season, walk 
hastily out, and look anxiously to the woods, and 
snuff the autumnal winds with the highest rapture; 
then return into the house, and cast a quick and at- 
tentive look at the rifle, which was always suspended 
to a joist by a couple of buck's horns, or little forks. 
The hunting dog, understanding the intentions of 
his master, would wag his tail, and, by every bland- 
ishment in his power, express his readiness to accom- 
pany him to the woods. A day was soon appointed 
for the march of the little cavalcade to the camping- 
place. Two or three horses, furnished with pack- 
saddles, were loaded with flour, Indian meal, 
blankets, and everything else requisite for the use 
of the hunter." * 

Hunting is not merely a ramble through the 
woods in pursuit of game, in which there is no task 
imposed on the intellect. The experienced hunter, 
before he leaves his camp in the morning, learns, by 
habits of observation, to judge accurately, and 
almost with prescience, of the state of the weather 
for the day, the course and changes of the wind, 
and in what situation he may expect to find game, 
whether in the low grounds near watercourses, the 
close thicket, or open forest, on the slope of the hills, 

* Doddridge's " Notes on the Settlement and Indian Wars 
of the Western Parts of Virginia and Pennsylvania," p. 124. 



no AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

or on their summits. This is specially necessary in 
hunting deer; for their habits are affected by the 
weather. In cold, blustering storms, and high 
winds, they always seek the most sheltered thickets, 
the river bottoms, or the leeward sides of the hills. 
If it rains without much wind, and the temperature 
of the atmosphere is mild, they are found in the open 
woods and on the highest ground. The habits of 
animals are various, and the successful hunter must 
be a practical zoologist, well versed in the habits and 
instincts of the animal he seeks. In every situation, 
it is necessary for him to know the course of the 
wind, that he may be on the leeward side of his 
game, however slight, and, to inexperienced persons, 
insensible may be the motion of the air. All wild 
animals, but especially deer, scent the hunter, if he 
be on the windward side. The course of the wind, 
when it is calm, is ascertained by the hunter by put- 
ting his finger in his mouth until it becomes warm, 
and then holding it in the air above his head. The 
side that first feels the sensation of cold denotes the 
point from whence the wind comes. 

It is also necessary for the hunter to know the 
cardinal points in a cloudy day, which he learns from 
the bark of trees and other signs. On an aged tree, 
the bark and moss are rougher and thicker on the 
north, than on the south side. The business of 
hunting must be managed by artifice. The hunter 
is continually watchful and active " to gain the 
wind " of the game he is pursuing. Not unfre- 
quently some cunning old buck, by his superior tact 
and watchfulness, will elude the hunter's skill, and 



DANIEL BOONE 111 

give his companions timely notice of danger. The 
sagacity of the animal and that of the hunter are 
pitted against each other; and no small efforts are 
made by each party to gain the point, the one to save 
his life, and the other to take it. 

The camp of the hunter is open in front, where 
the fire is kindled. The back part is frequently a 
large log, or fallen tree. The sides are constructed 
of poles, sustained by stakes or posts set upright^ 
and the interstices filled up with leaves and moss. 
The covering, or roof, which slopes back, is made 
of the bark of trees, or split clapboards. Occasion- 
ally, the skins of animals are employed for this pur- 
pose. Leaves and grass, with one or two blankets, 
furnish lodging for the night. Sometimes several 
men occupy the camp in company; but in the day- 
time each one moves in a separate direction. Fre- 
quently two men are in partnership. Sometimes a 
hunter takes a boy with him to keep the camp. 
Some persons, as Boone often did, camp and hunt 
alone. The night is the only time for social enjoy- 
ment in a company of hunters, except when prepar- 
ing their skins and peltry at the camp. 

Old hunters seldom eat more than one regular 
meal during the twenty-four hours, and that after 
night, when the party have returned to camp, and 
kindled the fire. The choicest bits of venison, or 
other meat, are selected, and the slices placed on 
sharpened sticks and set perpendicularly before the 
fire, when eating and conversation usually continue 
for some hours. The adventures of the day furnish 
materials for social intercourse at night. The num- 



112 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY ' 

ber and circumstances of the game, the " signs " 
discovered, the character of the country which has 
been traversed, the curiosities seen, the incidents of 
success or failure, are subjects of conversation. The 
Indians, though taciturn when in the company of 
white people, or when engaged in business, are 
loquacious at their hunting-camps at night. 

Trapping for beaver and other animals, that in- 
habit watercourses, has its peculiarities, and is man- 
aged differently from ordinary hunting. The 
trapper selects his watercourse, makes his camp, and 
hunts deer and other animals for provisions, of 
which he lays in a store for the season, that the noise 
of his gun and the smell of powder may not alarm 
the animals he purposes to decoy to his traps. 
Skill, experience, and sagacity are all necessary qual- 
ifications in the trapper. In decoying and deceiving 
animals, all his resources are called into requisition, 
amongst which is a particular knowledge of the 
habits and instincts of the animals of which he is in 
pursuit. 

Hunting in new settlements, and where game is 
plenty, is a profitable employment. Many persons, 
who are now affluent and thrifty farmers, enjoying 
all the comforts and many of the luxuries of life, 
obtained the means of purchasing their lands, and 
providing for their families, in former days, from 
the avails of the chase. 



CHAPTER VII 

Troubles with the Indians renewed. — Litigation about Land 
Titles. — Colonel Boone loses his Land. — Removes from Ken- 
tucky to Kenhawa. — Resolves on a Removal to the " Far 
West." — Arrives in Upper Louisiana with his Family. — 
Receives Encouragement from the Spanish Authorities. — 
Appointed Commandant. — Colonial Government of Upper 
Louisiana. — Character of the Population. 

What part of Kentucky, which lies to the north 
of the Licking River, from its proximity to the 
Indian country, remained unsettled. Surveys had 
been suspended, and after several years resumed. 
Simon Kenton, who had begun a settlement here in 
1775, again returned and pitched his cabin near the 
present site of Washington, a few miles from Lime- 
stone, as Maysville was then called. This enter- 
prise prepared the way for other settlements. Ap- 
prehensions of an invasion from the Cherokee 
Indians on the southern borders of the district, in 
the autumn of 1784, induced Colonel Logan to call 
a public meeting at Danville, the seat of justice for 
the district. This assembly found that no legal au- 
thority existed in the district to call out the militia 
in case of an invasion ; that there were no arms or 
ammunition, except such as were private property; 
and that adequate and timely protection, by the gov- 

A.B., VOL. I. — 8 113 



114 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

ernment of Virginia, at the distance of several hun- 
dred miles, could not be afforded. 

The result of this meeting of the people was a 
communication addressed to the militia companies, 
requesting each to elect one representative for a 
political convention. The measure was approved, 
and the representatives assembled at Danville, on 
the 28th of December. The deliberations of the 
body were conducted with decorum, and the proceed- 
ings were regulated by parliamentary rules. There 
was a general opinion favorable to the organization 
of an independent State. The question was referred 
to the people, and authority was given for electing 
members to another convention in the Spring of 
1785. This convention met, accordingly, and reso- 
lutions were adopted, proposing a petition to the 
legislature of Virginia, to grant the district of Ken- 
tucky the legal right to form a separate State gov- 
ernment. Several conventions were subsequently 
held to promote this measure, and to look after the 
interests of the district. 

In 1786, the legislature of Virginia enacted the 
preliminary provisions for the separation of Ken- 
tucky as an independent State, provided Congress 
would receive it into the Union. The measure was 
not consummated until after the adoption of the 
Constitution of the United States. In 1792, Ken- 
tucky came into the Federal Union as a sovereign 
State. 

Previous to this event, Indian hostilities had been 
renewed in the northwest, and depredations were 
committed on the frontier settlements of Kentucky; 



DANIEL BOONE II5 

families were murdered, and scalps taken. Nor was 
peace restored until the treaty of Greenville, after 
the subjugation of the Indians by General Wayne. 

As courts of justice were established, litigation in 
regard to land titles increased, until it was carried 
to a distressing extent. We have already referred 
to the laws of Virginia for the sale of lands in Ken- 
tucky, and the defective forms of entry. A wide 
field of speculation was opened, and Colonel Boone, 
with hundreds of others, lost his lands from defec- 
tive titles. His antipathy to the technical forms of 
law was great. He loved simple justice, was rigidly 
honest in all his engagements, and thought that all 
others, including the State, should act towards him 
on the same principles of natural equity. The law 
that prescribed the manner of entering lands was 
vague and defective, and its administration by the 
commissioners was still more so. Boone, and many 
other deserving persons, who had made their loca- 
tions, and in some instances valuable improvements, 
lost their property in suits at law. The old hunter 
employed counsel, attended the courts from term to 
term, and listened to the quibbles of the lawyers; 
but, on account of imperfect entries and legal flaws, 
he was ejected from the land he had defended so 
resolutely in the perilous times of savage invasion. 
After the vigor of life was spent, he found himself 
not the legal owner or possessor of a single acre 
of the vast and rich country he had so fully explored. 
His beautiful farm near Boonesborough, and sev- 
eral other tracts, were wrested from him by the 
forms of law. His recorded descriptions of loca- 



Il6 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

tion and boundary were defective, and shrewd spec- 
ulators had the adroitness to secure legal titles by 
more accurate and better defined entries. 

No wonder, that, till the close of his life, he en- 
tertained strong prejudices against all legal adjudi- 
cations, which were not in accordance with the 
strictest rules of justice. He felt aggrieved at the 
treatment he had received by the operation of the 
land laws; and no one could convince him, that it 
was not by the cunning and contrivance of the law- 
yers and land speculators. With these impressions 
he resolved to leave Kentucky, abjure all its inter- 
ests and privileges, and seek a new home in the 
wilderness. 

In a memorial to the legislature of Kentucky, in 
1812, he says, " Unacquainted with the niceties of 
the law, the few lands I was enabled to locate were, 
through my ignorance, generally swallowed up by 
better claims." 

Leaving Kentucky, he removed to the Kenhawa 
in Virginia, and settled on that river, not far from 
Point Pleasant. Here he resided for a time, culti- 
vating a farm, raising stock, and, at the proper sea- 
son, following his favorite employment of hunting. 
The note appended to the early part of this memoir 
mentions his visit, in 1790, to the place of his nativ- 
ity in Pennsylvania. It is supposed that this was 
the period of his settlement on the Kenhawa. 

It was during his residence there, in 1794, that 
he met with some persons, who had been on a hunt- 
ing expedition to Upper Louisiana, and who gave 
a glowing description of the fine country bordering 



DANIEL BOONE II7 

on the Missouri River, His oldest son, then Hving, 
had migrated to that country. 

The vast prairies, the herds of buffaloes, the bears, 
deer, and other game of that remote region, fired his 
imagination, aroused the feelings of the old hunter, 
and produced a resolution to remove thither. He 
also learned, that the manners and habits of the peo- 
ple were simple, their laws few and promptly ad- 
ministered, without the chicanery and technicalities 
of lawyers. Accordingly, in 1795, he gathered up 
such articles as were convenient to carry, and, with 
his trusty rifle, his family and chattels on pack- 
horses, driving his stock of cattle, he made his way 
to this land of promise. His fourth son, Jesse, was 
left in the Kenhawa Valley, where he had married; 
but he followed his father to the " Far West " a 
few years later. 

At that period, and for several years atter, the 
country of his retreat belonged to the crown of 
Spain. His fame had reached this remote region 
before him, and he received of the Lieutenant-Gov- 
ernor, who resided at St. Louis, " assurance that 
ample portions of land should be given to him and 
his family." His first residence was in the Femme 
Osage settlement, in the District of St. Charles, 
about forty-five miles west of St. Louis, Here he 
remained with his son Daniel M. Boone until 1804, 
when he removed to the residence of his youngest 
son, Nathan Boone, with whom he continued till 
about 1810, when he went to reside with his son- 
in-law, Flanders Callaway. A commission from 
Don Charles D. Delassus, Lieutenant-Governor, 



Il8 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

dated July nth, 1800, appointing him commandant 
of the Femme Osage District, was tendered and ac- 
cepted. He retained this command, which included 
both civil and military power ; and he continued to 
discharge its duties with credit to himself, and to 
the satisfaction of all concerned, until the transfer 
of the government to the United States. The sim- 
ple manners of the frontier people of Missouri ex- 
actly suited the peculiar habits and temper of Colo- 
nel Boone. 

Louisiana was discovered, settled, and held in 
possession by the French until 1762, when, by a 
secret treaty, it was transferred to the crown of 
Spain. This treaty not being published, its stipu- 
lations were unknown to the governments of Eu- 
rope, or the inhabitants of the country. Under both 
the French and Spanish governments, the settlers 
held their lands by allodial tenures. Titles derived 
immediately from the crown, and those sanctioned 
by the proper authority at New Orleans, were 
deemed complete. Those derived from the conces- 
sions of the lieutenant-governors, or the command- 
ants, were held incoinplcte, until sanctioned by the 
highest representative of the crown. In Upper 
Louisiana the proprietor was obliged \o clear a por- 
tion of the land and build a house within a year and 
a day, or his claim was forfeited, and liable to revert 
to the domain.* 

The Livrc Terrien, or land boo.., was provided 
under the administration of M. de St. Ange, in 
which grants of land were not only recorded, but 
* Stoddard's " Sketches of Louisiana," p. 243. 



DANIEL BOONE II9 

originally written; and a copy of the entry in this 
book constituted the evidence of title in the hands 
of the grantee. 

Spain, on taking possession of the country, which 
was not consummated until 1769, changed the 
French colonial jurisprudence in most particulars, 
but retained the principle of allodium in the grants 
of lands. 

Ten thousand arpents * of choice lands were 
marked out and given to Colonel Boone, on the 
north side of the Missouri River, in consideration 
of his official services ; but, being Syndic, the title 
could not be completed without application to the 
immediate representative of the crown at New Or- 
leans. His actual residence on the land, which the 
Spanish law required to complete the title, the Com- 
mandant at St. Louis promised to dispense with, in 
consequence of his official duties requiring his resi- 
dence elsewhere. But he neglected to obtain the 
confirmation of his grant by application to New 
Orleans ; and when the country passed into the pos- 
session of the United States, and commissioners 
were appointed to decide on unconfirmed claims, 
they were compelled by their instructions to reject 
the application of Colonel Boone, for the want of 
legal formalities. 

The colonial officers of Upper Louisiana were in- 
vested with civil and military powers. By those, 
who were unacquainted with its character, the ad- 
ministration of the laws seemed arbitrary; but the 
Spanish colonial code contained a complete system 
*An arpent of land is 85-iooths of an English acre. 



I20 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

of wise and unexceptionable rules, calculated to in- 
sure justice and promote the happiness of the people. 
It was founded on the principles of the Roman code. 

A large majority of the population of the District 
of St, Charles were Americans, as emigrants from 
the United States were denominated. The French 
population, most of whom were natives or Cana- 
dians, inhabited the villages of St. Charles and 
Portage de Sioux. On the surrender of the Illinois 
country to the British government, which was con- 
summated in 1769, many of the French inhabitants 
left the country, and passed across the Mississippi 
into Upper Louisiana. St. Charles, called at that 
time Petite Cote, was founded in 1780. The leaders 
in all the French colonies on the Mississippi were 
gentlemen of education and talent; while the large 
majority were peaceable and illiterate paysans, who 
possessed little property and less enterprise. They 
were a contented race, unambitious, ignorant of the 
prolific resources of the country, and destitute of the 
least perception of its future destiny. They never 
troubled themselves with the affairs of government, 
never indulged in schemes of aggrandizement, nor 
showed the least inclination for political domination. 
They were a frank, open-hearted, unsuspecting, joy- 
ous people, careless of the acquisition of property. 

" Finding themselves in a fruitful country, 
abounding in game, where the necessaries of life 
could be procured with little labor, where no re- 
straints were imposed by government, and neither 
tribute nor personal service was exacted, they were 
content to live in unambitious peace and comfortable 



DANIEL BOONE 121 

poverty. They took possession of so much of the 
vacant land around them as they were disposed to 
till, and no more. Their agriculture was rude ; and 
even to this day some of the implements of hus- 
bandry and modes of cultivation, brought from 
France a century ago, remain unchanged by the 
' march of mind/ or the hand of innovation. Their 
houses were comfortable, and they reared fruits and 
flowers; evincing, in this respect, an attention to 
comfort and luxury, which has not been practised 
among the English or American first settlers ; but 
in the accumulation of property, and in all the essen- 
tials of industry, they were indolent and improvi- 
dent, rearing only the bare necessaries of life, and 
living from generation to generation without change 
or improvement." 

The American settlers, in general, were of the 
class that had been the associates of Boone in North 
Carolina and Kentucky. Many had come from those 
States, drawn by his example and influence. Their 
character and habits have been described already. 
A small number had fled from their country to avoid 
the consequences of crime, or improvidence. But 
a very large majority were peaceable, industrious, 
moral, and well-disposed persons, who, from various 
motives had crossed the " Great Water ;" * some 
from the love of adventure; some from that spirit 
of restlessness, which belongs to a class of frontier 
emigrants ; but a much larger number with the ex- 
pectation of obtaining large donations of land, which 
the government gave to each settler at the trifling 

* This is the aboriginal meaning of the name Mississippi. 



122 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

expense of surveying and recording. A very gen- 
eral impression existed amongst the American emi- 
grants, that in a short time the country would be 
annexed to the United States. Colonel Boone de- 
clared that he would never have settled in the coun- 
try, had he not firmly believed it would become a 
portion of the American republic 

Probably the efforts in Kentucky, for several 
years, to obtain the navigation of the Mississippi 
gave rise to this opinion. And yet these settlers in 
the Spanish country were quiet and peaceable, and 
made no movements towards revolution. They en- 
tertained the impression that the Congress of the 
United States would obtain the country by negotia- 
tion. This impression existed several years before 
the purchase of Louisiana, and was doubtless known 
to Mr. Jefferson at the commencement of his 
administration. 

It was the policy of the Spanish authorities in 
Upper Louisiana to encourage emigration from the 
United States. The distance of this province from 
New Orleans, the capital of the whole country, was 
a thousand miles ; and intervening were a wilder- 

*The writer has been intimately acquainted with many of 
these settlers, and knows their views, feelings, and objects 
in expatriating themselves for a period. No greater mistake 
is made than in supposing that the class of emigrants, who 
have advanced westward, and even beyond the boundaries of 
the American government and laws, are indolent and vicious. 
Some are of this description, as may be found in all communi- 
ties ; but the mass are virtuous, kind, hospitable, and ardently 
attached to the free institutions of the United States. From 
1794 to 1803, emigration lo Upper Louisiana, as Missouri was 
then called, was constant until several thousand persons had 
found their way to that remote region. 



DANIEL BOONE I23 

ness and a river difficult to navigate. Fears were 
entertained of an invasion of the country by the 
British and Indians from Canada. The American 
people were regarded as the natural adversaries of 
the British, and it was supposed that they would 
readily protect the country. 

In 1780, an expedition was fitted out by the Brit- 
ish commander, at Mackinac, to attack St. Louis, 
as a retaliation for the part the King of Spain had 
taken in favor of the independence of the United 
States. Fifteen hundred Indians, including a small 
party of British soldiers, made up the invading 
force, which came down the Mississippi. History 
records, that upwards of sixty of the inhabitants 
were killed, and about thirty taken prisoners. At 
this crisis. General George R. Clark, who was at 
Kaskaskia with several hundred men, including the 
Illinois militia, appeared on the opposite side of the 
river. The British took the alarm, raised the siege, 
and retired; and the Indians, declaring that they 
had no hostile intentions against the Spanish gov- 
ernment, but had been deceived by the British, soon 
dispersed to their villages. This event caused the 
Spanish authorities, contrary to their usual policy, 
to encourage emigration from the American side. 
Advantageous prospects were held out, and pains 
taken to disseminate them through the western set- 
tlements. At the transfer of the government in 
1S04, more than three-fifths of the population of the 
upper province were English-Americans. 

The people and the circumstances of the country 
were congenial to the habits and temper of Boone, 



124 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

and he soon felt himself at home in this remote 
region. 

Under the Spanish government, the Roman Cath- 
olic faith was the established religion of the prov- 
ince, and no other Christian sect was tolerated by 
the laws. Each emigrant was required to be un bon 
Catholique, as the French expressed it; yet, by the 
connivance of the commandants of Upper Louisiana, 
and by the use of a pious fiction in the examination 
of the Americans, toleration in fact existed. 

Many Protestant families, communicants in Bap- 
tist, Methodist, Presbyterian, and other churches, 
settled in the province, and remained undisturbed in 
their religious principles. Protestant itinerant 
clergymen passed over from Illinois, and preached 
in the log-cabins of the settlers unmolested, though 
they were occasionally threatened with imprison- 
ment in the calaboao at St. Louis. Yet these threats 
were never executed. 

As in most Catholic countries, the Sabbath was a 
day of hilarity and rejoicing. The Catholic popula- 
tion, being chiefly French, attended mass in the 
morning, with much regularity and devotion, and 
in the afternoon assembled in parties at private 
houses for social and merry intercourse. Cards, 
billiards, dances, and various sports, made up the 
pastime. The French population were not intem- 
perate in eating or drinking on such occasions. The 
wealthier classes used, moderately, light red wines, 
especially claret ; the poorer classes, in convivial 
parties, drank tafia, and a liquor called noyau, but 
very rarely to inebriation. The writer has often 



DANIEL BOONE 12 5 

heard the old French settlers deplore the change of 
government, and the influx of emigrants from the 
United States, by whom, as they alleged, the vices 
of intoxication and fraud were introduced. Theft 
and dishonesty were rarely known. Only two door- 
locks were regarded as necessary in St. Louis ; one 
on the calaboso, and the other on the Government 
House. 



CHAPTER VIII 

Boone's official Duties. — Journey to Kentucky. — Difficulties 
with Indians. — Transfer of Louisiana to the United States. 
— Tenacity of the old Inhabitants to the Customs of their 
Ancestors. — Claim of Colonel Boone for Land. — Petition to 
Congress and to the Legislature of Kentucky. — Grant of 
one thousand Arpents. — Death of Mrs. Boone. — Hunting 
Excursions. 

The office of syndic, or commandant, held by 
Colonel Boone, made but small demands on his time, 
and did not interfere with his customary employ- 
ment of the winter months in hunting and trapping.*- 
For two or three seasons he was not successful. 
Besides the losses sustained by his friends in funds 
intrusted to his charge, which they generously re- 
linquished, he left small debts unpaid in Kentucky. 
His creditors would have made no claims on him ; 
yet he felt unhappy to be in debt and unable to pay, 
and he fondly hoped he should procure the means in 
his first winter's hunt. At length he made a suc- 
cessful excursion, and obtained a valuable supply of 
peltry, which he turned into cash, and then visited 
Kentucky. He had kept no book accounts, and 
knew not how much he owed, nor to whom he was 

* The office of syndic, under the Spanish government, was 
somewhat analogous to that of a county justice in some of 
the States, but more extensive, as it combined a portion of 
military with the civil power. 

126 



DANIEL BOONE I27 

indebted ; but, in the honest simplicity of his nature, 
he went to all with whom he had had dealings, and 
paid whatever was demanded. When he returned 
to his family in Upper Louisiana, he had half a 
dollar left. To his family and a circle of friends, 
who had called to see him, he said, " Now I am 
ready and willing to die. I am relieved from a 
burden that has long oppressed me. I have paid 
all my debts, and no one will say, when I am gone, 
' Boone was a dishonest man.' I am perfectly will- 
ing to die." 

In his hunting excursions, ne occasionally went 
alone; sometimes with a friend, neighbor, or a rela- 
tive ; and more frequently with a negro boy, to keep 
his camp. On one expedition, the Osages attempted 
to rob him, but met with such prompt and deter- 
mined resistance from Boone and his negro boy, 
that the party fled with precipitation. One winter 
he went on a trapping excursion up the Grand River, 
a stream that rises in the south part of Iowa, and, 
running a southerly course, enters the Missouri be- 
tween Carroll and Ray counties. He was alone this 
season, and paddled his canoe up the Missouri, and 
then up the Grand River, until he found for his 
camp a retired place in a cove among the bluffs, 
He then proceeded to make the necessary prepara- 
tions for trapping beaver. His camp was erected in 
so obscure a place that even an experienced hunter 
could not have found it. The next step was to lay 
in a winter's supply of venison, turkeys, and bear's 
meat. The Indians of the northwest had manifested 
hostile demonstrations, and Boone was too well ac- 



128 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

quainted with Indian tactics to be surprised in his 
camp. He had commenced his trapping operations, 
and each morning visited his traps to secure his prey. 
One morning, he had the mortification to discover 
a large encampment of Indians in his vicinity, en- 
gaged in hunting. 

A retreat to his camp was the next movement, 
where he secreted himself during the day. Fortu- 
nately, a deep snow fell that night, and securely 
covered his traps. He continued for twenty days 
in his camp, till the Indians departed. To prevent 
discovery, his method was to keep no fire in the day- 
time, lest the smoke should reveal his hiding-place, 
and to kindle it and cook his food in the middle of 
the night. He stated to the writer, that he never 
felt so much anxiety in his life for so long a period, 
lest they should discover his traps and search out 
his camp. He was not discovered by the Indians; 
and when the snow melted away they departed. 

On another occasion, he took pack-horses, and 
went to the country on the Osage River, taking for 
a camp-keeper a negro boy about twelve or fourteen 
years of age. Soon after preparing his camp and 
laying in his supplies for the winter, he was taken 
sick, and lay a long time in camp. The horses were 
hobbled out on the range. After a period of stormy 
weather, there came a pleasant and delightful day, 
and Boone felt able to walk out. With his staff, 
(for he was quite feeble,) he took the boy to the 
summit of a small eminence, and marked out the 
ground in the shape and size of a grave, and then 
gave the following directions. He instructed the 



DANIEL BOONB I29 

boy, In case of his decease, to wash and lay his body 
straight, wrapped up in one of the cleanest blankets. 
He was then to construct a kind of shovel, and with 
that instrument and the hatchet to dig a grave, ex- 
actly as he had marked it out. He was then to drag 
the body to the place, and put it in the grave, which 
he was directed to cover up. placing posts at the 
head and foot. Poles were to be placed around and 
over the surface; the trees to be marked, so that it 
could be easily found by his friends ; the horses were 
to be caught ; the blankets and skins gathered up ; 
with some special instructions about the old rifle, 
and various messages to the family. All these direc- 
tions were given, as the boy afterwards declared, 
with entire calmness, and as if he was giving in- 
structions about ordinary business. He soon recov- 
ered, broke up his camp, and returned homeward 
without the usual spoils of a winter's hunt. 

He rarely hunted two successive seasons in the 
same range, and seldom went further west than the 
present boundary of Missouri. 

The treaty of cession of Louisiana to the United 
States, conducted by Barbe Marbois, under the di- 
rection of Napoleon, then First Consul of France, 
and Robert R. Livingston and James Monroe on the 
part of the United States, closed on the 30th of 
April, 1803. The Spanish authorities delivered the 
lower province to M. Laussat early in the same year, 
and by him it was duly and formally transferred to 
William C. C. Claiborne and James Wilkinson, com- 
missioners of the United States, on the 20th of De- 
cember of the same year. The change of authority 

A. B., VOL. I. — 9 



130 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

in Upper Louisiana took place at St. Louis, on the 
9th of March, 1804. The late Major Amos Stod- 
dard, of the United States army, officiated on the 
occasion, and was constituted, for the time being, 
lieutenant-governor and commandant of the prov- 
ince. As a temporary arrangement, the Spanish 
laws continued in force for a short time, until Con- 
gress could introduce a system of government con- 
genial to that of the United States. Soon after- 
wards, the laws, courts, customs, and whole system 
of American policy and jurisprudence spread over 
the country. The American population was pre- 
pared for this change. It was congenial to their 
habits and feelings, and they rejoiced in it as the 
consummation of their hopes and wishes. Not so 
the French, and the few Spaniards intermingled 
with them. In every particular, the change was an 
innovation on their former habits. The payment of 
taxes, going to the polls and voting for rulers and 
law-makers, proving and recording titles to their 
lands, were burdens, which, though borne with 
patience and submission, were no less really such in 
their estimation. By degrees, however, the general 
character of the country, the features of society, and 
manners of the people were changed. 

Life and vigor were diffused into the body politic, 
and that restless spirit of speculation and improve- 
ment, so common to the people of the United States, 
was introduced. The tide of emigration soon swept 
by the residence of Boone; and, as early as 1810, 
settlements were formed in what is now Central 
Missouri, called Boone's Lick. Here the old hunter 



DANIEL BOONE 131 

once pitched his winter's camp, and subsequently his 
son made salt at the lick, which still bears his name. 
His son Jesse, whom he had left in the Kenhawa 
country, followed with his family to Missouri. 
Daniel Morgan Boone, his eldest son then living, 
had gone to Upper Louisiana before his father, and 
Nathan, with his wife, followed about 1800. 
Flanders Callaway made several annual visits to the 
hunting-grounds of Missouri before he removed his 
family thither, which was about the period of the 
change of government. His other daughters had 
married and settled in Kentucky. His children in 
Missouri were settled within half a day's travel of 
his residence. 

By his removal to Missouri, and becoming a citi- 
zen of the Spanish government, he was entitled to 
one thousand arpents of land, and, according to 
usage in other cases, by virtue of his official station, 
he was also entitled to ten thousand arpents. 

By a declaration from M. Delassus, lieutenant- 
governor at St. Louis, he was exempted from the 
customary terms of settlement and cultivation. The 
United States government instituted a commission 
to receive applications and adjudicate on the validity 
of titles. Colonel Boone brought his claims before 
the commissioners on the 13th of February, 1806, 
and the Board decided on the ist of December, 
1809, " that this claim ought not to be confirmed." 
The decision had no respect to the equity of the 
case ; the law under which the Board acted required, 
in express terms, " evidence of settlement and 
cultivation." 



132 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

By the advice of his friends, in 1812, he sent a 
petition to Congress to obtain confirmation of his 
claim. The concession from Don Zenon Trudeau 
was dated January 24th, 1798, for one thousand 
arpents, and the certificate of survey and location 
was dated January 9th, 1800. The concession for 
the larger claim, which had been promised to him 
by the Spanish authority, could only be obtained 
from the highest representative of the crown at New 
Orleans, and this formality he had neglected. Thus 
Boone, who had explored, defended, and aided in 
settling the country from the Alleghany Mountains 
to the frontier of Missouri, was left, at the age of 
fourscore years, without a rood of land, which he 
could call his own. He naturally turned his 
thoughts to Kentucky, a State that then contained 
nearly half a million of people, rich in resources, 
and whose voice had weight and influence in the 
national Congress. A memorial was presented to 
the General Assembly of that State, on the i8th of 
January, 181 2, soliciting the aid and influence of 
that body in obtaining from Congress the redress he 
sought. 

This memorial contained a sketch of his labors 
in the wilderness, and " of his claims to the remem- 
brance of his country in general." He spoke of his 
struggles " in the fatal fields, which were dyed with 
the blood of the early settlers, amongst whom were 
his two eldest sons, and others of his dearest con- 
nections." " The history of the settlement of the 
western country," he said, " was his history." He 
alluded to the love of discovery and adventure, 



DANIEL BOONE 133 

which had induced him to expatriate himself, 
" under an assurance of the Governor at St. Louis, 
that ample portions of land should be given to him 
and to his family." He mentioned the allotment of 
land, his failure to consummate the title, and his 
unsuccessful application to the commissioners of the 
United States.* Of the vast extent of the country, 
which he had discovered and explored, " he was un- 
able to call a single acre his own," and " he had laid 
his case before Congress." " Your memorialist" 
he added, " cannot but feel, so long as feeling re- 
mains, that he has a just claim upon his country for 
land to live on, and to transmit to his children after 
him. He cannot help, on an occasion like this, to 
look towards Kentucky. From a small acorn she 
has become a mighty oak, furnishing shelter to up- 
wards of four hundred thousand souls. Very dif- 
ferent is her appearance now from the time when 
your memorialist, with his little band, began to fell 
the forest, and construct the rude fortification at 
Boonesborough. ' ' 

The venerable pioneer found a cheerful response 
in the legislature of Kentucky. The memorial was 
referred to a committee of the Senate, who made a 
favorable report, which passed both branches of the 
legislature without a division. The application to 
Congress was successful, and one thousand arpents 
of land were confirmed to him, in the Femme Osage 
District, where he first settled. The act passed for 

* These commissioners were the late John B. C. Lucas, 
Clement Penrose, and Frederic Bates, each of whom exercised 
a rigid but faithful trust in behalf of the United States. 



134 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

the confirmation of the title on the loth of February, 
1814. 

Boone was now far advanced in years ; but his 
iron frame, after so many years of exposure and 
suffering, retained an unusual degree of elasticity; 
his mind was still vigorous, his memory tenacious, 
and his temper as mild and placid as that of an in- 
fant. In March, 181 3, he had the misfortune to lose 
his wife, at the age of seventy-six years. She had 
been the companion of his toils for more than half 
a century, participating in the same generous and 
heroic nature as himself. A grave was prepared at 
a chosen spot, on the summit of a ridge, that, when 
the forest was cleared away, overlooked the turbid 
Missouri, selected by himself; and the place was 
marked where he was to be laid by her side. Soon 
after this event, he gave directions to a cabinet- 
maker in the settlement to prepare a coffin of black 
walnut for himself, which was done accordingly, 
and it was kept in his dwelling for several years. 
He fancied it was not of the exact size he required, 
and appropriated it to the funeral of a stranger, who 
died in the settlement. Another of cherry was pre- 
pared, and placed under his bed, where it continued 
until it received his mortal remains. 

The closing part of his life was devoted to the 
society of his children, and to the employments of 
the chase. When age had enfeebled the energies of 
his once athletic frame, he would make an excursion 
twice a year to some remote hunting-ground, em- 
ploying a companion, whom he bound l)y a written 
contract to take care of him, and, should he die in 



DANIEL BOONE 135 

the wilderness, to bring his body to the cemetery, 
which he had selected as a final resting-place.* 

In April, 1816, he went to Fort Osage, near the 
mouth of the Kanzas River, where he spent two 
weeks, and then extended his tour to the Little 
Platte. 

His time at home was usually occupied in some 
useful manner. He made powder-horns for his 
grandchildren, neighbors, and friends, many of 
which were carved and ornamented with much taste. 
He repaired rifles, and performed various descrip- 
tions of handicraft with neatness and finish. After 
the decease of Mrs. Boone, his home was with his 
eldest daughter, Mrs. Callaway, though he passed 
much of his time with his other children, particu- 
larly in the family of his youngest son, Major 
Nathan Boone. He evinced great attachment to his 
children and grandchildren, and before his decease 
he was surrounded by many of the fifth generation. 
On their part nothing was too good for grandfather 
Boone, as he was familiarly called. 

* Governor Morehead's " Address," p. 109. Niles's " Reg- 
ister," Vol. IV. p. 33. 



CHAPTER IX 

Visit of the Author to Boone. — Impressions formed. — Conver- 
sation. — His general Character. — Religious Sentiments. — His 
Portrait taken. — Illness and Recovery. — Visits his Son. — 
His Death. — Removal of his Remains to Kentucky, in 1845. 
— His Character, as described by Governor Morehead. 

It was in the month of December, 18 18, that the 
author of this memoir, while performing the (kity 
of an itinerant minister of the gospel in the frontier 
settlements of Missouri, saw for the first time this 
venerable pioneer. The preceding day had been 
spent in the settlement of Femme Osage, where Mr. 
Callaway, with whom Boone lived, met and accom- 
panied the writer to Charrette village, a French ham- 
let, situated on the north side of the Missouri River, 
adjacent to which was his residence. On his intro- 
duction to Colonel Boone, the impressions were those 
of surprise, admiration, and delight. In boyhood, he 
had read of Daniel Boone, the pioneer of Kentucky, 
the celebrated hunter and Indian-fighter ; and imag- 
ination had portrayed a rough, fierce-looking, un- 
couth specimen of humanity, and, of course at this 
period of lifc^, a fretful and unattractive old man. 
But in every respect the reverse appeared. His high, 
bold forehead was slightly bald, and his silvered 
locks were combed smooth ; his countenance was 
ruddy and fair, and exhibited the simplicity of a 

136 



DANIEL BOONE 137 

child. His voice was soft and melodious. A smile 
frequently played over his features in conversation. 
At repeated interviews, an irritable expression was 
never heard. His clothing was the coarse, plain 
manufacture of the family ; but everything about 
him denoted that kind of comfort, which was con- 
genial to his habits and feelings, and evinced a happy 
old age. His room was part of a range of log cabins, 
kept in order by his affectionate daughter and 
granddaughters. 

Every member of the household appeared to de- 
light in administering to his comforts. He was 
sociable, communicative in replying to questions, but 
not in introducing incidents of his own history. He 
was intelligent, for he had treasured up the experi- 
ence and observations of more than fourscore years. 
In these interviews, every incident of his life might 
have been drawn from his lips ; but, veneration being 
the predominant feeling which his presence excited, 
no more than a few brief notes were taken. He 
spoke feelingly, and with solemnity, of being a 
creature of Providence, ordained by Heaven as a 
pioneer in the wilderness, to advance the civilization 
and the extension of his country. He appeared to 
have entered into the wilderness with no compre- 
hensive views or extensive plans of future improve- 
ment ; he aimed not to lay the foundations of a state 
or nation; but still he professed the belief, that the 
Almighty had assigned to him a work to perform, 
and that he had only followed the pathway of duty 
in the course he had pursued. He gave no evidence 
of superstition, manifested no religious credulity, 



138 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

told of no remarkable dreams and strange impres- 
sions, as is common with superstitious and illiterate 
people, but only expressed an internal satisfaction 
that he had discharged his duty to God and his 
country by following the direction of Providence. 

The impression on the mind of the writer, before a 
personal acquaintance, that he was moody, unsocial, 
and desired to shun society and civilization, was 
wholly removed. He was the archetype of the better 
class of western pioneer; benevolent, kind-hearted, 
liberal, and a true philanthropist. That he was 
rigidly honest, and one of nature's noblemen, need 
not be here said. It is seen in his whole life. He 
abhorred a mean action, and delighted in honesty 
and truth. While he acknowledged that he used 
guile with the Indians, he excused it as necessary to 
counteract their duplicity, but despised in them this 
trait of character. He never delighted in shedding 
human blood, even that of his enemies in war, and 
avoided it whenever he could. 

He was not destitute of religious sentiments, 
though a large portion of his life was spent without 
the influence of the gospel ministry. His father was 
an Episcopalian, and taught liis children the rudi- 
ments of faith and forms of worship used in that 
church ; yet he retained no predilections for that com- 
munion. In a general sense, he was a believer in 
Christianity as a revelation from God in the sacred 
Scriptures, but never joined any church. His habits 
of mind were contemplative, and he reverenced the 
Diety in his works. His habits of roaming and en- 
camping alone in the forest doubtless tended to un- 



DANIEL BOONE 1 39 

fold this trait of his character. He was strictly 
moral, temperate, and chaste. 

During the summer of 1820, a patriotic solicitude 
prompted a distinguished American artist, Mr. 
Harding, to take his portrait, and for that purpose 
he made a visit to the residence of Mr. Callaway. 
Colonel Boone was feeble, and required to be sup- 
ported by a friend, the Reverend J. E. Welch, while 
sitting for the sketch. 

Soon afterwards, he had an attack of fever, from 
which he recovered, so far as to make a visit to the 
house of his son, Major Nathan Boone; for all his 
children and grandchildren delighted to see him, and 
minister to his comfort, and he was happy in their 
society. From a little indiscretion in eating sweet 
potatoes, a vegetable which he was exceedingly fond 
of, and which his friends had prepared for him, he 
had an attack from which he never recovered. He 
gradually sank, and, after three days' illness, ex- 
pired, on the 26th day of September, 1820, in the 
eighty-sixth year of his age. 

His remains were enclosed in the coffin he had 
provided, and were deposited by the side of his de- 
ceased wife. The funeral called forth a large circle 
of relatives, neighbors, and friends, from many miles 
distant ; for he was beloved and respected by all who 
knew him. 

The State of Missouri had been organized by the 
adoption of a Constitution in the same year ; and the 
first legislature was in session in St. Louis, when the 
intelligence of his decease reached that place. A 
resolution was passed, that the members should wear 



140 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

the usual badge of mourning twenty days, in respect 
to his memory, and adjourn for one day. 

Colonel Boone had nine children, five sons and 
four daughters. The two eldest sons, James and 
Israel, were slain by the Indians, as mentioned in the 
proper place. His third son, Daniel Morgan Boone, 
who preceded him to Upper Louisiana, for many 
years lived on the bank of the Missouri, in the 
Femme Osage settlement. He was an industrious 
farmer, a respectable citizen, and attained to the rank 
of colonel in the militia. He sold his farm for ten 
thousand dollars, and removed to Jackson county, 
where he died about four years ago, past the age of 
fourscore. Jesse Boone, the fourth son, came to 
Upper Louisiana about 1806, settled on the Loutre, 
and died in St. Louis a few years after. Major 
Nathan Boone, the youngest child, married 
in Kentucky at an early age, and removed 
to Upper Louisiana in 1800. For many 

years he resided in the upper part of Femme 
Osage settlement. After the organization of 
the United States dragoons, he received the commis- 
sion of captain in that department of the army, 
which post he still occupies. His family reside in 
Greene county, Missouri. He had attained to a 
majority in the militia many years before he entered 
the regular army. The names of Daniel Boone's 
daughters were Jemima, Susanna, Rebecca, and La- 
vinia. The last three married, lived, and died in 
Kentucky. 

The Boone family have been noted for longevity. 
Of the brothers and sisters of Colonel Boone, we can 



DANIEL BOONE I4I 

only give the following particulars of their decease. 
George Boone died in Shelby county, Kentucky, in 
November, 1820, at the age of eighty-three; Samuel 
died at the age of eighty-eight ; Jonathan at the age 
of eighty-six; Mrs. Wilcox, a sister, at the age of 
ninety-one ; Mrs. Grant, another sister, at the age of 
eighty-four; Mrs. Smith, a third sister, at the age of 
eighty-four. Squire Boone, the father, died at the 
age of seventy-six.* 

When Colonel Boone made choice of a place of 
sepulture for himself and family, and was so particu- 
lar as to enjoin his friends, if he died from home, to 
remove his remains to the hill near Charrette, he had 
no anticipation of an event, which occurred a quarter 
of a century after his burial. He little thought, that, 
before the coffins were mouldered away, his relics 
and those of his wife would find a resting-place on 
the bank of the Kentucky River. 

The citizens of Frankfort, having prepared a taste- 
ful rural cemetery, projected, as an appropriate con- 
secration of the ground, the removal of the remains 
of Colonel Boone and his wife. The consent of sur- 
viving relatives having been obtained, a deputation 
visited Missouri in the summer of 1845, exhumed 
the relics, and transported them to Frankfort, where 
they were reinterred, with appropriate ceremonies, 
on the 20th of August. An oration was delivered by 
Mr. Crittenden. 

Scarcely a county in Kentucky was without its 
representation, and many persons from the Western 
and Southwestern States were also in attendance, to 
* Niles's " Register," Vol. XIX. p. 262. 



142 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

pay the last funeral honors to these pioneers of the 
great western valley. Some of the contemporaries 
of the great hunter were present, and took part in the 
ceremonies. 

In the procession, tottering along' with extreme 
age, was the first black man that ever trod the soil of 
Kentucky. And his steps were sustained by another, 
also of African descent, who was the first child of 
other than Indian parentage ever born in that com- 
monwealth, now containing more than a million of 
souls, and from which has gone out as many more to 
other states and territories of the great west. 

We shall close this memoir with an extract from 
the Address of Governor Morehead, at Boonesbor- 
ough, in 1840, on the commemoration of the first 
settlement of Kentucky. The preceding remarks 
will show, that, in a few slight particulars, the 
author of this work differs in his estimate of Boone's 
character; yet he is happy to corroborate the views, 
in general, of the distinguished author of the 
Address. 

" The life of Daniel Boone is a forcible example 
of the powerful iniiuence, which a single absorbing 
passion exerts over the destiny of an individual. 
Born with no endowments of intellect to distinguish 
him from the crowd of ordinary men, and possessing 
no other acquirements than a very common education 
bestowed, he was enabled nevertheless to maintain, 
throughout a long and useful career, a conspicuous 
rank among the most distinguished of his contempo- 
raries; and the testimonials of the public gratitude 
and respect, with which he was honored after his 



DANIEL BOONE I43 

death, were such as were never awarded by an intelH- 
gent people to the undeserving. 

" In his narrative, dictated to Filson in 1784, he 
describes himself as ' an instrument ordained to set- 
tle the wilderness.' There are certain passages in 
his history corroborative of this conclusion. His 
' preservation during a solitary sojournment of three 
months in the wilderness ; the marked forbearance 
and lenity of the savages toward him, especially on 
the last occasion of his being their prisoner ; his es- 
cape at a most important juncture for the defence of 
his station; would seem to indicate the interposition 
of a superior agency on his behalf. In 1778, when 
such formidable preparations were making at the old 
town of Chillicothe for the invasion of Kentucky, his 
seasonable return to Boonesborough saved the in- 
habitants from the grasp of savages ; and if Boones- 
borough had fallen, little doubt can be entertained 
that every station on the frontier would have shared 
its fate. But it is needless to speculate upon a sub- 
ject about which contradictory opinions may be 
formed. There are those who will coincide with the 
pioneer in the judgment which he has passed on his 
own pretensions. 

'* His instrumentality in the settlement of the wil- 
derness, great and efficacious as it most unquestion- 
ably was, may be traced to other and more proximate 
causes, having their origin in the elements of his own 
peculiar character. He came originally to the wil- 
derness, not to settle and subdue it, but to gratify an 
inordinate passion for adventure and discovery; to 
hunt the deer and bufifalo; to roam through the 



144 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

served, saying, in a menacing tone, that he would 
do with it as he pleased. 

They were irritated at this conduct, which was 
both rash and unreasonable. Duhaut had an old 
grudge against Moragnet, and was ready to take 
revenge. He brought over Liotot and Hiens to 
second his design. In short, they conspired to mur- 
der Moragnet, Nika, and Saget. In the night, after 
they had supped and were asleep, the horrible act 
was committed by Liotot, who butchered them all 
with an axe. Nika and Saget expired immediately, 
but Moragnet lingered for a short time, when the 
assassins compelled De Marie, who was not in the 
conspiracy, to put an end to his sufferings. That 
the rage of passion should drive these desperate men 
to so violent a deed as that of the murder of Mo- 
ragnet, is conceivable, because similar atrocities 
have been committed on other occasions; but what 
could impel them to involve in the same doom the 
innocent Nika and Saget? For two years the faith- 
ful services of Nika had been unremittingly em- 
ployed in providing the means of subsistence for 
them as well as for others. Why this black ingrati- 
tude and cold-blooded barbarity? They afford a 
proof that this crime was not the effect of a mo- 
mentary impulse, but of a deliberate purpose. These 
men were the devoted though humble friends of the 
commander, whom they would defend in a time of 
peril, and who, if forced by necessity, might avenge 
his wrongs with a resolute arm. 

As the conspirators had begun the work of blood, 
they laid a scheme on the spot for destroying the 



DANIEL BOONE I45 

more efficiency and success, the designs of others. 
He took the lead in no expedition against the sav- 
ages; he disclosed no liberal views of policy for the 
protection of the stations ; * and yet it is not assum- 
ing too much to say, that without him, in all proba- 
bility, the settlements could not have been upheld, 
and the conquest of Kentucky might have been re- 
served for the emigrants of the nineteenth century. 

" With all his qualities as an antagonist of the red 
man, Boone was no lover of war. He took no de- 
light in the glory of a conqueror. If he idolized his 
rifle, it was because it contributed to the enjoyment 
of his darling pastimes, not because it was an instru- 
ment for shedding human blood. His character, on 
the contrary, was pacific. But, at the same time, it 
was unsocial. He had few sympathies that bind men 
and families together, and consecrate the relations of 
society. During two whole years, he abandoned his 
family for no other purpose than to amuse himself 
in the wilderness. Yet he was not an unkind hus- 
band. On one occasion, we know, he endangered his 
own to save the life of his son; and I am not aware 
that he was ever suspected of treachery in his 
friendships. 

" At the period of his greatest vigor and useful- 
ness, he was remarkable for his taciturnity; but, as 
he grew older, he became an agreeable companion, 
remembering with distinctness remote events, espe- 
cially those with which he was connected, and dwell- 

* General George Rogers Clark was the master spirit, as 
he was the senior officer, in the military enterprises of Ken- 
tucky against the Indians. 



146 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

ing upon them with manifest satisfaction. His 
manners were simple and unobtrusive, exempt from 
the rude characteristic of the backwoodsman. In his 
person there was nothing pecuHarly striking. He 
was five feet ten inches in height, and of robust and 
powerful proportions. His countenance was mild 
and contemplative ; indicating a frame of mind alto- 
gether different from the restlessness and activity 
that distinguished him. His ordinary habiliments 
were those of the hunter ; a hunting shirt and mocca- 
sins uniformly composing a part of them. Through- 
out his life he was careless of his pecuniary interests. 
The loss of his lands was chiefly attributable to in- 
attention. When he emigrated to Louisiana, he 
omitted to secure a title to a princely estate on the 
Missouri, because it would have cost him the trouble 
of a trip to New Orleans. 

" He would have travelled a much greater distance 
to indulge his cherished propensities as an adventurer 
and a hunter. He died, as he had lived, in a cabin ; * 
and perhaps his trusty rifle was the most valuable of 
his chattels. 

" Such was the man to whom has been assigned 
the principal merit of the discovery of Kentucky, and 
who filled a large space in the eyes of America and 
Europe. Resting on the solid advantages of his 
services to his country, his fame will survive when 
the achievements of men greatly his superiors in 
rank and intellect will be forgotten." 

* The dwelling of his son, where he died, was a commodious 
edifice built of stone. 



LIFE OF 
FATHER MARQ^UETTE 



BY 



JARED SPARKS 



'\ 



FATHER MARQUETTE 



It is generally believed, that the Mississippi River 
was first discovered by Ferdinand de Soto, as early 
as 1 54 1. The accounts of his expedition in Florida 
are so highly exaggerated, so indefinite, and in many 
parts so obviously false, that little more can be in- 
ferred from them, than that he passed far into the 
country, had many combats with the natives, and 
finally died in the interior. The probability is so 
strong, however, that he and his party actually 
crossed the Mississippi, that it has usually been as- 
sumed as a historical fact. 

De Soto had distinguished himself as a military 
leader under Pizarro, in the conquest of Peru. He 
returned to Spain, renowned for his exploits, and en- 
riched by the spoils of the Peruvians and of their 
unfortunate monarch Atahualpa, extorted by iniquity 
and violence. He appeared in much splendor at the 
court of Spain, and, becoming acquainted with one 
of the companions of Narvaez, who had made an 
unsuccessful attempt to conquer Florida, he formed 
the project of achieving the conquest of that coun- 
try. He solicited permission from Charles the Fifth 
to undertake the enterprise at his own expense, and 
his request was granted. The fame of De Soto, the 

149 



I50 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

great wealth he had acquired in Peru, and the hope 
of making similar acquisitions in Florida, drew 
around him many adventurers, some of whom be- 
longed to the first families in Spain. Several per- 
sons also joined him from the town of Elvas, in 
Portugal. In a short time he procured seven ships, 
and supplied them with everything necessary for the 
voyage. The fleet sailed from St. Lucar, in the 
month of April 1538, proceeding first to St. Jago, 
in Cuba, and thence to Havana. The number of 
men that accompanied him is not precisely known. 
The most authentic account states it to have been 
six hundred ; according to others it was much larger. 

The Emperor had appointed De Soto governor of 
Cuba, with the title of General of Florida, and Mar- 
fjuis of all the lands he might conquer. Leaving his 
wife at Havana, he sailed from that port on the i8th 
of May, 1539, and landed at the Bay of Espiritu 
Santo, in Florida. After many wanderings and ad- 
ventures, he arrived at the Great River, so called in 
the narrative, (supposed to be the Mississippi,) and 
crossed it in June or July, 1541. He died the next 
year, on the 21st of May; and his followers, under 
Moscoso, as the story relates, constructed brigan- 
tines, in which they sailed down the river to its 
mouth, and, after a voyage of fifty days, they entered 
the river Panuco, in Mexico, on the loth of Septem- 
ber, 1543. 

The first account of De Soto's expedition purports 
to have been written by one of the Portuguese ad- 
venturers, who accompanied it throughout, and 
returned to his native country ; and who styles him- 



FATHER MARQUETTE 151 

self in the titlepage of his narrative, " Fidalgo 
d'Elvas," rendered by Hakluyt, " A Gentleman of 
Elvas." The name of the writer has never been 
ascertained. The book was first pubHshed at Evora, 
in 1557, more than fifteen years after the principal 
events occurred which it narrates. There is much 
show of exactness in regard to dates, but the ac- 
count was evidently drawn up for the most part from 
memory, being vague in its descriptions, and in- 
definite as to localities, distances, and other points 
usually noted by journalists. This account was 
translated into English by Hakluyt, and published in 
1609, with a very long title, beginning, " Virginia 
richly valued, by the Description of the Main Land 
of Florida," &c. This little volume is extremely 
rare, not being included in either of the editions of 
Hakluyt's celebrated collection, though reprinted in 
the Supplement to that of 1809. The translator's 
object was to advance the purposes of the " Virginia 
Company," which had then recently been formed. 
Another English translation was published anony- 
mously in the year 1686, entitled " A Relation of the 
Conquest of Florida by the Spaniards under the 
command of Fernando de Soto." This was trans- 
lated from the French version of Citri de la Guette, 
which appeared in Paris the year before. 

The Inca Garcilaso de la Vega completed his work 
on Florida in the year 1591. It was first printed 
at Lisbon in 1605, The author's style is flowing 
and agreeable, but his fancy constantly takes the lead 
of his judgment, and no tale is too marvellous for 
his pen. It was one of his chief objects, as stated in 



152 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

his Preface, "to render justice to the memory of the 
brave Ferdinand de Soto, which has been cruelly de- 
famed by certain English, French, and Italian writ- 
ers." Hence a large portion of his work is taken up 
with the adventures of De Soto. Although he wrote 
more than forty years after the death of his hero, 
yet he had no other written materials for his guid- 
ance, than those which had been furnished by the 
"" Gentleman of Elvas " ; and in fact, the narrative 
of this unknown person is the only authority, which 
can be considered of any value, respecting the wan- 
derings of De Soto. In several points Garcilaso 
differs from his original. Citri de la Guette says, 
that he took his account chiefly from the narration of 
a common soldier, who was in De Soto's expedition, 
and this at least forty years after the events. Little 
could be gathered from such a source, which is 
worthy of confidence. Both of the accounts are 
too romantic and vague for history ; yet some of the 
names of places and of Indian tribes, and descriptions 
of the country, in the narrative of the anonymous 
Portuguese writer, could hardly have been given ex- 
cept from personal observation ; and they render it 
in the highest degree probable, that De Soto crossed 
the Mississippi near the thirty-fourth degree of 
latitude. 

It may be doubted, at least, whether either of these 
works can be trusted, as affording genuine historical 
materials. They have been cited by respectable 
writers in default of other authorities ; but they bor- 
der so closely upon the regions of romance, that they 
may as justly be ranked in this class of compositions, 



FATHER MARQUETTE 1 53 

as in that of history. This is generally conceded in 
regard to Garcilaso. His predecessor, the " Gentle- 
man of Elvas," is thought to have higher claims ; 
and perhaps he has ; yet whoever follows him closely 
will be likely to run into ten errors in arriving at a 
single truth, with the additional uncertainty of being 
able to distinguish the former from the latter. The 
narrative is moreover disfigured with descriptions of 
atrocious acts of injustice, oppression, and cruelty 
committed against the natives, as revolting to hu- 
manity as they were disgraceful to the adventurers. 
The thirst for gold, which was the stimulating mo- 
tive to this enterprise, seems to have absorbed every 
other passion and every generous sentiment. Rob- 
bery, slavery, mutilation, and death were practiced, 
not only without compunction, but apparently as 
means supposed to be justified by the cause in which 
they were engaged. In short, if this narrative is 
worthy of credit, few readers will be inclined to dis- 
sent from the remark of Philip Briet, in his " An- 
nales Mundi," that it is difficult to decide whether 
cruelty or avarice was the predominant trait in the 
character of De Soto. 

British writers have mentioned a subsequent dis- 
covery of the Mississippi, in 1654, by an Englishman 
named Wood. It will be difficult, if not impossible, 
to find any proofs, that the Mississippi was ever seen 
by this person.* 

* Professor Keating says, " This is not the same Colonel 
Wood of Virginia, whom Coxe mentions as having discovered 
several branches of the great rivers Ohio and Meschasebe." 
■ — Long's " Expedition," Vol. I. p. 236. But he gives us no clue 
for ascertaining what Wood it was. 



154 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

In short, the first Europeans, who are certainly 
known to have discovered and explored this river, 
were two Frenchmen, Father Marquette and M. 
Joliet, in the year 1673. Marquette was a native 
of Picardy, and Charlevoix calls him " one of the 
most illustrious missionaries of New France," add- 
ing, that he travelled widely, and made many dis- 
coveries besides that of the Mississippi. He had re- 
sided some time in Canada, and attained a profi- 
ciency in the languages of the principal native tribes, 
who resided in the regions bordering on the Upper 
Lakes. The first settlement of the old town of 
Michillimackinac, in 1671, is ascribed to his exer- 
tions and influence. 

The Indians had given many accounts of a great 
river at the West, which flowed southwardly, and 
which they called Mississipy, as the word is written 
by Marquette. It became a matter of curious specu- 
lation what course this river pursued, and at what 
place it disembogued itself into the sea. There were 
three opinions on this subject. First, that it ran 
towards the southwest, and entered the Gulf of Cali- 
fornia; secondly, that it flowed into the Gulf of 
Mexico; and thirdly, that it found its way in a more 
easterly direction, and discharged itself into the At- 
lantic Ocean somewhere on the coast of Virginia. 
The question was not less important in a commer- 
cial and political view than interesting as a geo- 
graphical problem. 

To establish the point, and to make such other 
discoveries as opportunities would admit, M. de 
Frontenac, the governor of Canada, encouraged an 
expedition to be undertaken. The persons, to whom 



FATHER MARQUETTE I55 

it was entrusted, were M. Joliet, then residing at 
Quebec, and Father Marquette, who was at MichilH- 
mackinac, or in the vicinity of that place. Mar- 
quette wrote an account of his tour and voyage down 
the Mississippi, which was sent to France, and pub- 
hshed eight years afterwards in Paris. From this 
account the following particulars are chiefly taken. 
In some parts the translation is nearly literal, and all 
the prominent facts are retained. 

On the 13th of May, 1673, Father Marquette and 
M. Joliet, with five other Frenchmen, embarked in 
two canoes, with a small provision of Indian corn 
and smoked meat, having previously acquired from 
the Indians all the intelligence they could afford re- 
specting their proposed route. 

The first nation through which they passed, was 
the Folks Avoines, (Wild Rice,) so called from the 
grain of that name, which abounds in the rivers and 
marshy lands. This plant is described as growing 
about two feet above the water, resembling Euro- 
pean oats, and gathered by the savages during the 
month of September. The ears are dried, separated 
from the chaff, and prepared for food either by 
pounding into meal, or simply boiling the grain in 
water.* 

The natives, having been made acquainted by 
Father Marquette with his design of visiting the 
most remote nations, and preaching to them the Gos- 

* Charlevoix mentions the Folles Avoines as residing on a 
small river, which flows into the Bay of Puans from the west. 
MaUwmincs was the name by which they were known among 
the Indians, and they were supposed to be a branch of the 
Pottawatomies. — " Histoire de la Nouvelle France," Tom. III. 
p. 291. 



156 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

pel, did their utmost to dissuade him from it, repre- 
senting the cruelty of some of the tribes, and their 
warlike state, the dangerous navigation of the river, 
the dreadful monsters that were found in it, and, 
finally, the excessive heat of the climate. 

He thanked them for their good advice, but de- 
clined following it; assuring them, that, to secure 
the success of his undertaking, he would gladly give 
his life; that he felt no fear of the monsters they de- 
scribed; and that their information would only 
oblige him to keep more on his guard against sur- 
prise. After having prayed, and given them some 
instructions, he parted from them, and arrived at the 
Bay of Pitans, now called Green Bay, where consid- 
erable progress had been made by the French priests 
in the conversion of the Indians. 

The name of this bay has a less unpleasant mean- 
ing in the Indian, than in the French language, sig- 
nifying also salt bay, which induced Father Mar- 
quette to make strict search for salt springs in this 
vicinity, but without success. He concluded, there- 
fore, that the name was given to it in consequence 
of the ooze and mud, deposited there, from whence, 
as he thought, arise vapors, that produce frequent 
and violent thunder storms. He speaks of this bay 
as about thirty leagues long, and eight leagues wide 
at its entrance, gradually contracting towards its 
head, where the flux and reflux of the tides, much 
like those of the sea, may be easily observed.* 

* The appearance of these tides has attracted the notice of 
travellers from the earliest times, and has recently engaged 
the attention of scientific observers. Mr. Schoolcraft has col- 
lected many facts on the subject. — " Journal of the Expedition 
under Governor Cass," p. 2>72- 



FATHER MARQUETTE 1 57 

Leaving this bay, they ascended the river, since 
known as Fox River, which empties into it. At its 
mouth, he says, the river is broad and deep, and 
flows gently ; but, as you advance, its course is inter- 
rupted by rapids and rocks ; which he passed, how- 
ever, in safety. It abounds with bustard, duck, and 
teal, attracted by the wild rice, which grows there. 
Approaching the village of Maskoutins, or nation of 
fire, he had the curiosity to taste the mineral water 
of a stream in its vicinity. The village consisted of 
three several nations, namely, Miamis, Maskoutins, 
and Kikabeaux. The first were the most friendly 
and liberal, and the finest looking men. Their hair 
was long over their ears. They were good war- 
riors, successful in their expeditions, docile, and 
fond of instruction. They were so eager to listen 
to Father Allouez, when he was among them, that 
they allowed him no repose, even in the night.* The 
Maskoutins and Kikabeaux were coarser, and less 
civilized ; their wigfwams were constructed of rushes, 
(birch-bark being scarce in this country,) and 
might be rolled up in bundles and carried where they 
pleased. 

In visiting these people. Father Marquette was 
much gratified at seeing a large cross erected in the 
centre of the village, decorated with thank-offerings 
to the Great Spirit for their success during the last 

* Father Allouez was an enterprising and successful mis- 
sionary. He arrived at the Sault Ste. Marie in 1668, and 
traversed the country between Lake Superior and Lake Mich- 
igan. Charlevoix speaks of his having visited the Miamis and 
Maskoutins the year before Marquette's expedition, — "Histoire," 
&c. Tom. L p. 448. 



158 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

winter. The situation of the village was striking 
and beautiful, it being built on an eminence, whence 
the eye overlooked on all sides a boundless extent of 
prairie, interspersed with groves and forests. The 
soil was good, producing abundantly Indian corn, 
grapes, and plums. 

Immediately on their arrival. Father Marquette 
and M. Joliet assembled the chiefs, and explained to 
them the objects of their expedition, expressing their 
determination to proceed at all risks, and making 
them some presents. They requested the assistance 
of two guides, to help them in their way ; which re- 
quest the natives readily granted, returning for their 
presents a mat, which served them as a bed during 
the voyage. The next day, being the loth of June, 
the two Miamis, their guides, embarked with them 
in sight of all the inhabitants of the village, who 
looked with astonishment on the hardihood of seven 
Frenchmen in undertaking such an expedition. 

They knew that within three leagues of the Mas- 
koutins was a river which discharged itself into the 
Mississippi ; and further, that their course must 
be west-southwest; but so many marshes and small 
lakes intervened, that the route was intricate; the 
more so, as the river was overgrown with wild rice, 
which obstructed the channel to such a degree that 
it was difficult to follow it. On this account their 
guides were necessary, who conducted them safely 
to a portage, which was about two thousand seven 
hundred paces across. The guides aided them in 
transporting their canoes oyer the portage to the 



FATHER MARQUETTE 159 

river, which ran towards the west, and then they left 
them and returned.* 

The travellers quitted the waters, which flow to- 
wards Quebec, five or six hundred leagues from 
that place, and embarked on an unknown stream. 
This river was called Mcscousin (Wisconsin). It 
was very broad, but its bottom was sandy, and the 
navigation was rendered difficult by the shoals. It 
was full of islands, overgrown with vines; and the 
fertile banks through which it flowed were inter- 
spersed with woods, prairies, and groves of nut, oak, 
and other trees. Numbers of buck and buffalo were 
seen, but no other animals. Within thirty leagues 
of their place of embarkation, they found iron mines, 
which appeared abundant and of a good quality. 
After continuing their route for forty leagues, they 
arrived at the mouth of the river, in forty-two de- 
grees and a half of latitude ;t and on the 17th of 
June, they entered with great joy the waters of the 
Mississippi. 

This river derives its source from several lakes in 
the north. At the mouth of the Mescousin its chan- 
nel was narrow, and it flowed onwards with a gentle 

* This description of the wild rice in the river, and of the 
portage, agrees very exactly with that of Mr. Schoolcraft. He 
says the portage is a mile and a half, being equal to two thou- 
sand six hundred and forty paces. And of the river he tells 
us, " It is filled with wild rice, which so chokes up the channel, 
that it is difficult to find a passage through it." — " Journal, &c. 

PP- 2fi>2„ 364- 

t Father Marquette's estimate of the latitude approaches 
very near the truth. By a series of observations, Fort Craw- 
ford, at Prairie du Chien, four or five miles above the mouth 
of the Wisconsin, has been ascertained to be 43° 3' 31". — 
Long's " Expedition," p. 245. 



l6o AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

current. On the right was seen a chain of high 
mountains and on the left fertile fields interrupted by 
islands in many places. They slowly followed the 
course of the stream to the south and southwest, 
until, in forty-two degrees of latitude, they perceived 
a sensible change in the surrounding country. 
There were but few hills and forests. The islands 
were covered with beautiful trees. 

From the time of leaving their guides, they de- 
scended the two rivers more than one hundred 
leagues, without discovering any other inhabitants 
of the forests than birds and beasts. They were 
always on their guard, kindling a fire on the shore 
towards evening to cook their food, and afterwards 
anchoring their canoes in the middle of the stream 
during the night. They proceeded thus for more 
than sixty leagues from the place where they entered 
the Mississippi, when, on the 25th of June, they per- 
ceived on the bank of the river the footsteps of men, 
and a well-beaten path leading into a beautiful 
prairie. They landed, and, leaving the canoes under 
the guard of their boatmen, Father Marquette and 
M. Joliet set forth to make discoveries. After si- 
lently following the path for about two leagues, they 
perceived a village, situate on the margin of a river, 
and two others on a hill, within half a league of the 
first. As they approached nearer, they gave notice 
of their arrival by a loud call. Hearing the noise, 
the Indians came out of their cabins, and, having 
looked at the strangers for a while, they deputed 
four of their elders to talk with them, who slowly 
advanced. Two of them brought pipes ornamented 



FATHER MARQUETTE l6l 

with feathers, which, without speaking, they elevated 
towards the sun, as a token of friendship. Gaining 
assurance from this ceremony, Father Marquette ad- 
dressed them inquiring of what nation they were. 
They answered, that they were Ilhnois, and, offering 
their pipes, invited the strangers to enter the vil- 
lage; where they were received with every mark of 
attention, conducted to the cabin of the chief, and 
complimented on their arrival by the natives, who 
gathered round them, gazing in silence. 

After they were seated, the calumet was presented 
to them, and, while the old men were smoking for 
their entertainment, the chief of all the Illinois tribes 
sent them an invitation to attend a council at his 
village. They were treated by him with great kind- 
ness, and Father Marquette, having explained to him 
the motives of this voyage, enforcing each part of 
his speech with a present, the chief in reply expressed 
his approbation; but urged him, in the name of the 
whole nation, not to incur the risks of a further voy- 
age, and rewarded his presents by the gift of a 
calumet. 

The council was followed by a feast consisting of 
four courses, from each of which they were fed with 
much ceremony; and afterwards they were con- 
ducted in state through the village, receiving many 
presents of girdles and garters from the natives. 
The following day, they took leave of the chief, 
promising to return in four moons, and were accom- 
panied to their canoes, with every demonstration of 
joy, by more than six hundred savages. 

Before leaving this nation, Father Marquette re- 

A. B., VOT.. T — II 



1 62 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

marked some of their peculiarities. The name 
Illinois, in the native language, signifies men, as if 
implying thereby, that other tribes are brutes in com- 
parison, which in some sense Father ]\Iarquette 
thought to be true, as they were more civilized than 
most of the tribes. Their language, on the borders 
of the river, was a dialect of the Algonquin, and was 
understood by Father Marquette. In the form of 
their bodies the Illinois were light and active. They 
were skilful in the use of arms, brave, but mild and 
tractable in disposition. They were entirely igno- 
rant of the use of leather, and iron tools, their 
weapons being made of stone, and their clothing of 
the skins of wild beasts. The soil was rich and pro- 
ductive, and game abundant. 

After this peaceful interview with the natives, the 
voyagers embarked again, and passed down the 
stream, looking out for the river Pekitanoni (Mis- 
souri), which empties into the Mississippi from the 
northwest. They observed high and steep rocks, 
on the face of which were the figures of two mon- 
sters, which appeared as if painted in green, red, and 
blue colors ; frightful in appearance, but so well exe- 
cuted, as to leave Father Marquette in doubt, 
whether they could be the work of savages, they be- 
ing also at so great a height on the rocks as to be 
inaccessible to a painter. 

As they floated quietly down a clear and placid 
stream, conversing about the figures they had just 
passed, they were interrupted by the sound of rapids 
before them ; and a mass of floating timber, trunks 
and branches of trees, was swept from the mouth of 



FATHER MARQUETTE 1 63 

the Pekitanoni with such a degree of violence as to 
render the passage dangerous. So great was the 
agitation that the water was thereby made very- 
muddy, and it did not again become clear. The 
Pekitanoni is described as a large river flowing into 
the Mississippi from the northwest, with several vil- 
lages on its banks.* 

At this place Father Marquette decided, that, un- 
less the Mississippi altered its previous course, it 
must empty its waters into the Gulf of Mexico ; and 
he conjectured from the accounts of the natives, that, 
by following the stream of the Pekitawoni, a river 
would be discovered, which flowed into the Gulf of 
California. 

About twenty leagues south of the Pekitanoni, and 
a little more to the southeast, they discovered the 
mouth of another river, called Oitabouskigou 
(Ohio), in the latitude of thirty-six degrees; a short 
distance above which, they came to a place formid- 
able to the savages, who, believing it the residence of 
a demon, had warned Father ]\Iarquette of its dan- 
gers. It proved nothing more than a ledge of rocks, 
thirty feet high, against which the waves, being con- 
tracted by an island, ran with violence, and, being 
thrown back with a loud noise, flowed rapidly on 
through a narrow and unsafe channel. 



* This relation agrees with facts, although the muddiness of 
the waters of the Missouri has been found to be produced by 
a dififerent cause. " The painted monsters," says Stoddard, 
■* on the side of a high perpendicular rock, apparently inac- 
cessible to man, between the Missouri and Illinois, and known 
to the moderns by the nam.e of Picsa. still remain in a good 
degree of preservation." — " History of Louisiana," p. 17. 



164 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

The Ouabouskigou came from the eastward, 
where the country was thickly inhabited by the tribe 
of Chuotianons, a harmless and peaceful people, 
much annoyed by the Iroquois, who were said to 
capture them as slaves, and kill and torture them 
cruelly. 

A little above the entrance of this river were 
steep banks, in which the boatmen discovered iron 
ore, several veins of which were visible, about a 
foot in thickness, portions of it adhering to the 
flint-stones; and also a species of rich earth, of three 
different colors, namely, purple, violet, and red, and 
a very heavy red sand, some of which, being laid 
on an oar, left a stain during fifteen days. They 
here first saw tall reeds, or canes, growing on the 
shores, and began to find the niaringouins (mos- 
quitoes) very troublesome; the attacks of which, 
with the heat of the weather, obliged the voyagers 
to construct an awning of the sails of their canoes. 

Shortly afterwards they saw savages armed with 
muskets, waiting their approach on the bank of the 
river. While the boatmen prepared for a defence, 
Father Marquette presented his calumet, and ad- 
dressed them in Huron, to which they gave no 
answer, but made signals to them to land, and accept 
some food. They consequently disembarked, and, 
entering their cabins, were presented with buffalo 
meat, bear's oil, and fine plums. These savages had 
guns, hatchets, knives, hoes, and glass bottles for 
their gunpowder. They informed Father Mar- 
quette, that he was within ten day's journey of the 
sea; that they purchased their goods of Europeans, 



FATHER MARQUETTE 165 

who came from the east; that these Europeans had 
images and beads, played on many instruments, and 
were dressed like himself ; and that they had treated 
them with much kindness.* As they had no knowl- 
edge of Christianity, the worthy Father gave them 
what instruction he could, and made them a present 
of some medals. Encouraged by the information 
received from these savages the party proceeded with 
renewed ardor on their voyage between banks cov- 
ered with thick forests, that intercepted their view 
of the prairies ; in which, however, they heard at no 
great distance the bellowing of buffaloes. They also 
saw quail upon the shores, and shot a small parrot. 

They had nearly reached the thirty-third degree 
of latitude, steering towards the south, when they 
discovered a village on the river's side, called 
Mctchigamea. The natives, armed with bows and 
arrows, clubs, and tomahowks, prepared to attack 
them ; some in canoes, trying to intercept their 
course, others remaining on shore. Father Mar- 
quette in vain presented his calumet of peace. They 
were ready to attack, when the elders, perceiving at 
last the calumet, commanded the young warriors to 
stop, and, throwing their arms at the feet of the 
strangers, as a sign of peace, entered their canoes, 
and constrained them to land, though not without 
some uneasiness. 

As the savages were aot acquainted with any of 



* Channels of trade had been opened with the Spaniards in 
Florida, and other Europeans in Carolina and Virginia. Colo- 
nel Wood is said to have crossed the Alleghanies from Vir- 
ginia, in 1670; doubtless for this object. 



1 66 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

the six languages spoken by Father Marquette, he 
addressed them by signs, until an old man was 
found, who understood a little Illinois. Through 
this interpreter, he explained their intention of go- 
ing to the borders of the sea, and gave the natives 
some religious instruction. In reply they answered, 
that whatever information he desired might be ob- 
tained at Akamsca (Arkansas), a village ten leagues 
lower down the river ; and presented them with food. 
After passing a night of some anxiety, they em- 
barked the following morning with their interpreter ; 
a canoe with ten savages preceding them. About 
half a league from Akamsca, they were met by two 
canoes full of Indians, the chief of whom presented 
his calumet, and conducted them to the shore, where 
they were hospitably received and supplied with pro- 
visions. Here they found a young man well ac- 
quainted with the Illinois language, and through 
him Father Marquette addressed the natives, making 
them the usual presents, and requesting information 
from them respecting the sea. They answered, that 
it was within five days' journey of Akamsca, that 
they knew nothing of the inhabitants on its borders, 
being prevented by their enemies from holding inter- 
course with these Europeans: that their knives and 
other weapons were purchased partly from the east- 
ern nations, and partly from a tribe of Illinois, four 
days' journey to the westward ; that the armed sav- 
ages, whom the travellers had met, were their 
enemies; that they were continually on the river be- 
tween that place and the sea; and that, if the voy- 
agers proceeded further, great danger might be ap- 



FATHER MARQUETTE 1 67 

prehended from them. After this communication, 
food was offered, and the remainder of the day was 
spent in feasting. 

These people were friendly and hospitable, but 
poor, although their Indian corn produced three 
abundant crops in a year, which Father Marquette 
saw in its different stages of growth. It was pre- 
pared for food in pots, which, with plates and other 
utensils, were neatly made of baked earth by the 
Indians. Their language was so very difficult that 
Father Marquette despaired of being able to pro- 
nounce a word of it. Their climate in winter was 
rainys but they had no snow, and the soil was ex- 
tremely fertile. 

During the evening the old men held a secret 
council. Some of them proposed to murder the 
strangers and seize their effects. The chief, how- 
ever, overruled this advice, and, sending for Father 
Marquette and M. Joliet, invited them to attend a 
dance of the calumet, which he afterwards presented 
to them as a sign of peace. 

The good Father and his companion began now to 
consider what further course they should pursue. 
As it was supposed that the Gulf of Mexico extended 
as far north as thirty-one degrees and forty min- 
utes,* they believed themselves not to be more than 
two or three days' journey from it ; and it appeared 
to them certain that the Mississippi must empty itself 



* It is hardly necessary to say, that, although this is nearly 
accurate, in regard to the most northerly part of the Gulf of 
Mexico, it is an error as to the mouth of the Mississippi, which 
is below twenty-nine degrees. 



l68 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

into that gulf, and not into the sea through Virginia, 
at the eastward, because the coast of Virginia was in 
the latitude of thirty-four degrees, at which they 
had already arrived; nor yet into the Gulf of Cali- 
fornia, at the southwest, because they had found the 
course of the river to be invariably south. Being 
thus persuaded that the main object of their expe- 
dition was attained, and considering, moreover, that 
they were unable to resist the armed savages, who 
infested the lower parts of the river, and that, should 
they fall into the hands of the Spaniards, the fruits 
of their voyage and discoveries would be lost, they 
resolved to proceed no further, and, having informed 
the natives of their determination and rested another 
day, they prepared for their return. 

After a month's navigation on the Mississippi, 
having followed its course from the forty-second to 
the thirty-fourth degree of latitude, they left the vil- 
lage of Akamsca, on the 17th of July, to return up 
the river. They retraced their way, slowly ascend- 
ing the stream, until, in about the thirty-eighth de- 
gree of latitude, they turned into another river (the 
Illinois), which abridged their route and brought 
them directly to Lake Illinois (Michigan). They 
were struck with the fertility of the country through 
which that river flowed, the beauty of the forests and 
prairies, the variety of the game, and the numerous 
small lakes and streams which they saw. The river 
was broad and deep, and navigable for sixty-five 
leagues, there being, in the season of spring and 
part of the summer, only half a league of portage 
between its waters and those flowing into Lake II- 



FATHER MARQUETTE 169 

linois. On its banks they found a village, the in- 
habitants of which received them kindly, and, on 
their departure, extorted a promise from Father 
Marquette to return and instruct them. One of the 
chiefs, accompanied by the young men, conducted 
them as far as the Lake ; whence they proceeded to 
the Bay of Piians, where they arrived near the end 
of September, having been absent about four 
months.* 

Such is the substance of Father Marquette's nar- 
rative; and the whole of it accords so remarkably 

* The following distances have been communicated by Gen- 
eral Wool, Inspector General of the Army of the United States, 
who is personally acquainted with the route, and has had the 
best means of forming an accurate estimate. Miles 

From Green Bay up Fox River to the portage 175 

From the portage down the Wisconsin to the Mississippi. 175 
From the mouth of the Wisconsin to the mouth of the 

Arkansas 1087 

From the Arkansas to the Illinois River 547 

From the mouth of the Illinois to Chicago 305 

From Chicago to Green Bay by the Lake shore 260 

Total 2549 

General Wool observes, that some persons estimate the 
route about fifty miles more, but he thinks it will rather fall 
short than exceed the above result. It would appear, there- 
fore, that the whole distance, passed over by Marquette and 
Joliet in this tour, was at least two thousand five hundred miles. 

Considering the manner in which Father Marquette trav- 
elled, being conveyed in boats up and down rivers, through an 
unknown country, it cannot be supposed that his estimate of 
distances would be exact, particularly as he had no means of 
deciding the velocity with which he was carried along by the 
currents of the streams. Deceived by the rapid motion of the 
water, he reckoned the distance from the portage to the mouth 
of 'the Wisconsin to be forty leagues, or one hundred and 
twenty miles, whereas General Wool states it to be one hun- 
dred and seventy-five ; and Mr. Schoolcraft, who ascended the 
river, estimates the distance at one hundred and eighty-two 
miles from Prairie du Chien to the portage. 



I70 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

with the descriptions of subsequent travellers, and 
with the actual features of the country through 
which he passed, as to remove every doubt of its 
genuineness. The melancholy fate of the author, 
which followed soon afterwards, was probably the 
reason why his expedition was not in a more con- 
spicuous manner brought before the public. 

In addition to this narrative, nothing is known of 
Marquette, except what is said of him by Charle- 
voix.* After returning from this last expedition, 
he took up his residence, and pursued the vocation 
of a missionary, among the Miamis, in the neighbor- 
hood of Chicago. While passing by water along 
the eastern shore of Lake Michigan towards Michil- 
limackinac, he entered a small river, on the i8th of 
May, 1675. Having landed, he constructed an 
altar, performed mass, and then retired a short dis- 
tance into the wood, requesting the two men, who 
had charge of his canoe, to leave him alone for half 
an hour. When the time had elapsed, the men went 
to seek for him and found him dead. They were 
greatly surprised, as they had not discovered any 
symptoms of illness; but they remembered, that, 
when he was entering the river, he expressed a pre- 
sentiment that his voyage would end there. To this 
day the river retains the name of Marquette. The 
place of his grave, near its bank, is still pointed out 
to the traveller; but his remains were removed the 
year after his death to Michillimackinac. 

The manuscript of Father Marquette, containing 

* " Histoire de Nouvelle France," Tom. III. p. 314. 



FATHER MARQUETTE I71 

the particulars of his voyage, was sent to France, 
where it fell into the hands of Thevenot, who had 
recently published a large collection of miscellaneous 
pieces, entitled, " Relations de divers Voyages 
Curieux," &c. in two large folio volumes. Having 
subsequently collected a few other curious tracts, he 
gave these to the public under the title of " Recueil 
de Voyages," a small duodecimo volume, printed 
at Paris in 1681. In this work the Narrative of 
Marquette first appeared under the title of " Decou- 
verte de quelques Pays et Nations de I'Amerique 
Septentrionale," accompanied with a map. It occu- 
pies forty-three pages. 

A very defective and erroneous translation was 
published at London, in 1698, as a supplement to an 
edition of Hennepin ; but it was here thrown into the 
shade by the pretended discoveries of that menda- 
cious traveller, who, several years after the death of 
La Salle, falsely assumed to himself the merit of 
having descended the Mississippi to its mouth. 
Hennepin was never below the confluence of the 
Illinois with the Mississippi. By the order of La 
Salle, and in company with M. Dacan, he went down 
the former river, and up the latter as high at least as 
the Falls of St. Anthony. This was in 1680, seven 
years after Marquette's expedition. All the discov- 
eries made by Hennepin were above the mouth of 
the Wisconsin. He claimed nothing more in the 
first edition of his work ; but, after La Salle's death, 
he fabricated the tale of his voyage down the Missis- 
sippi, and mingled so much falsehood with truth, 
that it is now difficult to separate the one from the 



172 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

Other. To him belongs the honor, however, of nam- 
ing the Falls of St. Anthony and the country of 
Louisiana. It is said by Charlevoix,* that the name 
of Louisiana was given by La Salle, who descended 
the Mississippi in the year 1682; but it is doubtful 
whether it can be found in any printed work before 
Hennepin's " Description de la Louisiane, Paris, 
1683." This contains a dedication to Louis the 
Fourteenth, adulatory in the extreme, and it is be- 
lieved the name was given for the same end. In 
his second edition, which was prepared in Holland, 
he complains of being neglected by the King of 
France, and changes the title of his book to " Nou- 
velle Decouverte d'un tres Grand Pays situe dans 
I'Amerique, &c. Utrecht, 1697." To this edition is 
prefixed a dedication to William the Third, King of 
Great Britain, more laudatory if possible than the 
one to Louis. In the Preface he utters bitter invec- 
tives against his enemies, who, from his own ac- 
count, were very numerous ; and he endeavors to 
explain, by a series of puerile and improbable state- 
ments, the reasons why he did not claim the discov- 
ery of the Mississippi, from the mouth of the Illinois 
to the Gulf of Mexico, before the death of La Salle. 
The publications of Hennepin, the descriptions of 
the enterprising adventures and discoveries of La 
Salle, and the premature death of Marquette, were 
among the principal causes why the services and the 
Narrative of the last were overlooked, and in a meas- 
ure forgotten. Indeed, they would hardly have es- 
caped from oblivion, had not Charlevoix brought 
* " Histoire," &c. Tom. I. p. 57i. 



FATHER MARQUETTE 1 73 

them to ll^ht, in his great work on Canada, nearly 
seventy years after the events.* 

* There is a curious passage relating to this subject in a 
volume, entitled "A Description of the English Province of 
Carolana, by the Spaniards called Florida, and by the French 
La Louisiane ; by Daniel Coxe." This volume was printed at 
London in 1722, and contains a full description of the country 
bordering on the Mississippi. The author's father claimed a 
large territory in Louisiana by virtue of a charter, which had 
been granted to Sir Robert Heath by King Charles the First. 
He endeavors to prove, that the English discovered the coun- 
try before the French, and among other proofs he adduces the 
following : 

" In the year 1678, a considerable number of persons went 
from New England upon discovery, and proceeded as far as 
New Mexico, one hundred and fifty leagues beyond the river 
Mississippi ; and on their return rendered an account to the 
government of Boston, as will be attested, among others, by 
Colonel Dudley, then one of the magistrates, afterwards Gov- 
ernor of New England, and at present Deputy-Governor of the 
Isle of Wight, under the Honorable the Lord Cutts. The war 
soon after breaking out between the English and the Indians, 
many of the Indians, who were in that expedition, retreated 
to Canada, from whom Monsieur La Salle received most of 
his information concerning that country, by him afterwards 
more fully discovered. And they served him for guides and 
interpreters, as is attested by Monsieur Le Tonty, who accom- 
panied Monsieur La Salle ; as also by Monsieur Le Clerc, in a 
book published by order of the French King." — p. 117. 

This extract is from a memorial presented to King William, 
in favor of Coxe's claim, in the year 1699. The Attorney- 
General reported that Coxe's title was good in law. 

The substance of the above paragraph is repeated in a pam- 
phlet, published in the year 1762, after the preliminaries of 
peace between England and France had been made known, 
and entitled " An Impartial Inquiry into the Right of the 
French King to the Territory west of the Great River Missis- 
sippi, in North America, not ceded by the Preliminaries ; in- 
cluding a Summary Account of the River and the Country 
adjacent." It is stated in this pamphlet, that, " in the year 
1678, some New England men went on discovery, and pro- 
ceeded the whole length of the southern coast of the continent 
as far as Mexico ; at their return rendering an account of 
their proceedings to the government of Boston. — p. 53. How 
far these statements are borne out by other testimony, I have 
not had the means of ascertaining; but, if they are correct, the 



174 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

The narrative itself is written in a terse, simple, 
and unpretending style. The author relates what 
occurs, and describes what he sees, without embel- 
lishment or display. He writes as a scholar, and as 
a man of careful observation and practical sense. 
There is no tendency to exaggeration, nor any at- 
tempt to magnify the difficulties he had to encounter, 
or the importance of his discoveries. In every point 
of view this tract is one of the most interesting 
among those which illustrate the early history of 
America. 

Marquette's map, attached to the Narrative in 
Thevenot's " Recueil," is unquestionably the first 
that was ever published of the Mississippi River. 
In this light it is extremely curious ; but it is also 
valuable as confirming the genuineness of the Nar- 
rative. It was impossible to construct it without 
having seen the principal objects delineated. The 
five great rivers, Arkansas, Ohio, Missouri, Illinois, 
and Wisconsin, in regard to their relative positions 
and general courses, are placed with a considerable 
degree of accuracy. Several names are entered on 
the map which are still retained, and near the same 
places, with slight differences in the orthography. 
The Wisconsin (or, as the French write it, Ouiscon- 
siii) is written " Missiousing" in the map. It is 
" Mcscousin" in the Narrative, perhaps by a typo- 
graphical mistake for " Mcsconsin.'' The Missouri, 
it is true, is named in the Narrative " Pekitanoni," 

lower waters of the Mississippi were discovered and crossed 
by these adventurers from Massachusetts, four years before the 
river was descended by La Salle, and five years after the up- 
per waters had been discovered by Marquette. 



FATHER MARQUETTE 175 

which it may at that time have been called by the 
natives; but in the map a village is placed on the 
bank of that river called " Oumissouri." 

The Ohio River is named " Oiiahoiiquigou," in 
which we may see the elements of Oiiabachc, which 
name it retains in all the early French maps, the 
river itself being denominated by what is now re- 
garded as one of its principal branches. 

The Arkansas is not named on the map, but in the 
Narrative we are told of the village of " Akamsca," 
near the banks of that river, which is evidently the 
same name. 

To the northward of the Arkansas is a place on 
the map called " Metchigamca." The same name is 
found to this day on French maps, applied to a lake 
very near the same place, and a little to the north- 
ward of the River St. Francis. 

It should be kept in mind, that this map was 
published at Paris in the year 1681, and consequently 
the year before the discoveries of La Salle on the 
Mississippi, and that no intelligence respecting the 
country it represents could then have been obtained 
from any source subsequently to the voyage of Mar- 
quette. There is a slight error in the map in regard 
to the dotted line marked " Chcmin du retoiir," be- 
cause the Narrative is very explicit in stating that 
the voyagers returned up a river, which, from the 
description given of it, could be no other than the 
Illinois. This dotted line, therefore, must have been 
a conjectural addition. 

M. Joliet separated from Marquette at Green Bay 
and returned to Montreal. In passing the rapids, 



176 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

just before he readied that city, his canoe was upset, 
and his journal and all his other papers were lost. 
He dictated a few particulars relative to his voyage 
down the Mississippi amounting to no more than 
three or four pages, which were published, and which 
agree, as far as they extend, with Father Mar- 
quette's Narrative. 

In Francis de Creux's " Historia Canadensis " is 
a map of Canada, which purports to have been 
drawn in 1660. It includes the Island of New- 
foundland, Nova Scotia, and New England, extend- 
ing to the westward so far as to take in a small part 
of Lakes Superior and Michigan. The latter is 
called Lacus Magnus Algonquinoriiin. The river 
St. Lawrence and its branches, and the Lakes On- 
tario, Erie, and Huron, are well delineated on this 
map ; but it does not cover any part of the territory 
embraced in the one which accompanies the Narra- 
tive of Marquette. As before said, this map is 
manifestly original, and the first that was sketched 
of the Mississippi and its great tributary streams. 



LIFE OF 
ROBERT CAVELIER DE LA SALLE 



BY 



JARED SPARKS 



PREFACE 



Among the discoverers of the interior of North 
America, none has been more distinguished, either 
for the boldness of his designs or for resohition and 
enterprise, then the Sieur de la Salle. Although the 
period of a century and a-half has elapsed since his 
discoveries, yet no connected account of them has 
been v^^ritten, except the brief sketches which have 
appeared in the general histories of the country. 
The untimely and disastrous termination of his 
career, before he had completely attained the great 
objects to which he had devoted twenty years of his 
life, connected with the political events immediately 
following, may account for the neglect of his coun- 
trymen to render the tribute of justice to his name 
and services which they would seem to have de- 
served. However this may be, these causes are no 
longer worthy of consideration ; the events of his life 
form a part of our history; and his memory and 
deeds claim a conspicuous place among those of the 
early pioneers of civilization in North America. 

The writers, from whom the particulars of the 
following narration have been drawn, are Marquette, 
Hennepin, Le Clercq, Tonty, Joutel, and Charlevoix. 
These authorities are entitled to various degrees of 

vU 



Vlll PREFACE 

credit, and it has been a task of some difficulty to 
reconcile their conflicting statements, and to arrange 
the events in their appropriate order. Marquette 
preceded La Salle in the discovery of the Mississippi, 
and his narrative has been consulted only for a few 
preliminary facts, Hennepin, Tonty, and Joutel 
were companions of La Salle, and profess to describe 
what they saw ; Le Clercq and Charlevoix rely on the 
descriptions of others. 

Hennepin's publications are so fully considered 
in the body of the following memoir that it is un- 
necessary to speak of them in this place. The story 
of his descending from the Illinois to the mouth of 
the Mississippi is unquestionably a fabrication. 

The two volumes by Le Clercq are mainly devoted 
to a history of the labors of the missionaries in Can- 
ada, particularly those of the Recollets; but in the 
second volume he introduces an account of the dis- 
coveries of La Salle. His materials were the manu- 
script letters of Father Zenobe, who accompanied 
La Salle to the mouth of the Mississippi, and of 
Father Anastase, who was with him during his last 
voyage, and stood by his side at the time of his death. 
Le Clercq often transcribes the language of these 
manuscript letters, and thus invests his narrative 
with the highest authority. Viewed in this light, 
and as containing many incidents not mentioned by 
any other writer, this book may be regarded as one of 
the best that treats upon the subject. 

The work ascribed to Tonty cannot be trusted as 
a record of historical facts. It was published in 
Paris, without his approbation or knowledge, while 



PREFACE ix 

he was in America. There can be no reasonable 
doubt that Tonty furnished notes, which became the 
basis of the work bearing his name ; and, if we may 
judge of his character from the representations of 
his contemporaries, it would be unjust to lay to his 
charge the innumerable errors with which it abounds. 
But these notes fell into the hands of a writer in 
Paris who held a ready pen, and was endowed with 
a most fertile imagination; and he infused his own 
inventions so copiously into the text of Tonty, that 
the task would now be utterly hopeless of selecting 
the true from the false, the real from the fictitious, 
except so far as any particular passages may be con- 
firmed by other authorities. There are perpetual 
conflicts and transpositions of dates, and blunders in 
geography, which could not have escaped from a 
writer on the spot engaged in the scenes he describes. 
For instance, Tonty is made to say, that, with twenty 
men in canoes, he passed in three days from Niagara 
through the Lakes Erie, Huron, and Michigan, to 
the River St. Joseph. Mistakes of this sort often 
occur. It may be added, moreover, that Tonty him- 
self, who lived several years after the publication of 
this work, declared to Iberville and Father Marest, 
that it was not written by him, but by a " Parisian 
adventurer," whose stimulating motive was money. 
An account of La Salle's last voyage and its dis- 
astrous results was published twenty-six years after 
his death, as drawn up by Joutel, one of his com- 
panions. Although he wrote chiefly from recollec- 
tion, yet he is allowed the merit of fidelity in relating 
what he saw, and internal evidence sanctions this 



X PREFACE 

award. The narrative of Father Anastase, con- 
tained in the second vohime of Le Clercq, supphes 
many interesting particulars, which did not come 
under the observation of Joutel. 

The principal events in the life of La Salle are 
related by Charlevoix in different parts of his " His- 
tory of New France." This historian had access to 
authentic materials, and, in the main, he was doubt- 
less an honest chronicler ; yet he possessed one foible 
from which greater minds have not always been free. 
His opinions on some subjects were tinged with the 
jaundiced hues of prejudice. He belonged to the 
Order of Jesuits, and through his optics the labors 
and writings of such ecclesiastics as did not come 
within the pale of this renowned fraternity appeared 
diminutive and worthy of little notice. Now, all the 
missionaries, who accompanied La Salle, from the 
beginning to the end of his discoveries, and who 
wrote concerning them, were of the Franciscan Or- 
der. If Charlevoix ever read their books, it was in 
so superficial a manner that he derived little profit 
from them in the composition of his History. By 
thus avoiding to consult the only authors, except 
Joutel, who wrote from personal knowledge, he has 
fallen into anachronisms and errors in his sketches 
of the life of La Salle which an unbiassed judgment, 
and a research conducted upon a more liberal spirit, 
would have enabled him to escape. 

Some important facts, it may be added, have been 
derived from original papers procured in the archives 
of the Marine Department at Paris. 



ROBERT DE LA SALLE 



CHAPTER I 



First Discovery of the Mississippi. — 'Robert Cavelier de la 
Salle. — Passes eight Years in Canada. — Obtains Letters- 
Patent from the King. — Builds Fort Frontenac. — Obtains ad- 
ditional Letters-Patent for making new Discoveries. 

More than half-a-century had elapsed, from the 
time of the first settlements in Canada, before French 
enterprise extended itself to the westward of the 
Great Lakes. At an early day the pious zeal of the 
missionaries had planted the cross among the Hu- 
rons, on the southern shores of the lake of that name, 
but it was long before the tide of civilization ad- 
vanced beyond the Island of Montreal. Unceasing 
wars with the powerful nations of the Iroquois em- 
ployed the attention and exhausted the resources of 
the colonial government. Led by a spirit of adven- 
ture, as well as of gain, a few traders penetrated the 
interior, crossed the lakes, and brought back intelli- 
gence of the Indians, who wandered over the bound- 
less regions of the west. 

At length, in the year 1665, the resolute ardor of 
Father Allouez, a Jesuit missionary, prompted him 
to undertake the hazardous undertaking of executing 
his mission in these remote and unknown countries. 

II 



12 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

Arrived at the Falls of St. Mary, he threw himself 
boldly among the savages, relying on his powers of 
persuasion to win their confidence, and on the purity 
of his motives to secure success. His hopes were not 
disappointed. He visited the tribes on the southern 
borders of Lake Superior, and was everywhere re- 
ceived with kindness. Three years afterwards, he 
was joined by Marquette and Dablon; and, during 
the five succeeding years, these courageous mission- 
aries explored the territory between Lake Superior 
and the southern extremity of Lake Michigan, ful- 
filling their vocation as messengers of Christianity 
with a devotedness and self-sacrifice rarely sulr- 
passed, preaching to numerous native tribes, and sub- 
duing their wild hearts by gentleness of manners, 
and by inculcating the mild precepts of the Gospel. 
They likewise established the posts of Mackinac, St. 
Mary's, and Green Bay, which soon became the first 
rallying-points of civilization on the Upper Lakes. 
From the Indians, who came from the west, these 
missionaries heard of the River Mississippi, mean- 
ing, in the language of the aborigines, the Great 
River, a word variously written by the early French 
authors, according as the sound was caught by dif- 
ferent ears from the pronunciation of the Indians. 
Curiosity was excited by the reports of the natives 
concerning the magnitude and course of this river. 
So large a stream must find its way to the ocean. 
Conjecture was awake as to the direction it pursued 
and the place of its outlet. Some supposed that it 
disembogued itself into the Vermilion Sea, since 
known as the Gulf of California; others, that it 



ROBERT DE LA SALLE 1 3 

poured its waters into the Gulf of Mexico ; and others 
again, that it flowed into the Atlantic Ocean some- 
where along the coast of Virginia or Florida. Such 
was at that time the entire ignorance of the geog- 
raphy of the vast regions beyond the Alleghany 
Mountains. 

The vague information collected by the missiona- 
ries was communicated to the authorities at Quebec. 
M. Talon, the Intendant-General of Canada, a man 
of intelligence, enterprise, and large designs, resolved 
to send a party to explore the Great River, for the 
double purpose of solving an important geographical 
problem, and of extending the power of France in 
the New World by the right of prior discovery. As 
leaders of the expedition he selected Father Mar- 
quette, the missionary, and M. Joliet, a citizen of 
Quebec. Attended by five other Frenchmen, they left 
the Island of Mackinac, in two bark canoes, in the 
month of May, 1673, ascended the Fox River from 
Green Bay, passed thence across the portage to the 
Wisconsin, proceeded down that river, and in a few 
days found themselves floating on the broad waters 
of the Mississippi. Yielding to the current of this 
majestic stream, and stopping occasionally to hold 
peaceful intercourse with the natives on its banks, 
they continued their adventurous voyage to Arkan- 
sas, a distance of about eleven hundred miles from 
the mouth of the Wisconsin, 

At this point, being convinced by the general 
course of the river that it flowed into the Gulf of 
Mexico, and having accomplished the main objects 
of their expedition, they resolved to return. Ascend- 



14 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

ing the Mississippi to the mouth of the Illinois, they 
passed up that river, thence to Green Bay, where they 
arrived at the end of four months from the date of 
their departure, having gone over a distance, in their 
whole route, of at least two thousand, five hundred 
miles. Marquette's narrative of this expedition, 
written without pretension or parade, and with a 
fidelity in the description of natural objects, which, 
although published after his death, confirms its gen- 
uineness and accuracy, is among the most valuable 
and interesting contributions to the early historical 
literature of America. 

Owing to the premature and lamented death of 
Marquette, however, and to the departure of M. 
Talon from Canada, no results of moment seem to 
have issued from these discoveries. But while Mar- 
quette was wafting in his bark canoe upon the waters 
of the Mississippi, discovering countries and gazing 
at wonders hitherto unknown to the civilized world, 
there was a man on the banks of the St. Lawrence, 
whose deep thoughts were brooding over projects of 
peril and adventure, which he was destined at a 
future day to put in execution. Robert Cavelier 
DE LA Salle came to Canada about the year 1667. 
He was a native of Rouen, in Normandy. Of the 
day of his birth no record has been preserved. It is 
only related that he was of a good family, and that 
he spent ten or twelve of his earlier years in a semi- 
nary of the Jesuits, where he acquired an accom- 
plished education, particularly in mathematics and 
physical sciences, as they were taught at that day. 
A career seems to have been marked out for him in 



ROBERT DE LA SALLE 1 5 

the church, since he received no share in the distribu- 
tion of his father's property. If such plans were 
formed, it would be in vain to inquire what motives 
induced him to change them. When he left the semi- 
nary, however, his superiors gave him testimonials of 
an unblemished character, and of their approbation 
of his conduct during the time he had been under 
their charge. 

The object which first led La Salle into Canada 
can only be inferred from his subsequent pursuits. 
For several years no other aim is apparent than that 
of accumulating a fortune by the Indian trade, con- 
sisting chiefly in the barter of European merchan- 
dise for beaver skins and other peltries. Considering 
the means he possessed, however, his operations were 
on a large scale, and conducted with the same bold 
spirit of enterprise which afterwards bore him 
through so many scenes of trial and danger. He 
pushed forward at once to the frontiers, where he 
erected trading-houses, and superintended in person 
the details of his business, freighting his bark canoes 
and ascending the rapids of the St. Lawrence and 
other rivers, thereby acquiring a practical skill in the 
only kind of navigation which then existed on the 
interior waters of America. In this art the first set- 
tlers were everywhere the pupils of the savages. In 
pursuing his schemes of traffic, La Salle made ex- 
cursions among the Indian tribes bordering on the 
shores of Lake Ontario, and among the Hurons far- 
ther to the north, gaining a knowledge of their modes 
of life, manners, resources, and language. 

While thus employed, his thoughts were roaming 



l6 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

far beyond the sphere of his immediate occupations. 
Speculative minds in Europe had long been dream- 
ing of a shorter way to China and Japan across the 
North American continent. The fervid imagination 
of La Salle was easily kindled by these dreams. The 
vast extent of the Great Lakes, which was then be- 
ginning to be made known, appeared to him a con- 
firmation of this idea, as he did not doubt, that at 
their western extremities would be found the heads 
of rivers flowing into the China Seas, or perhaps a 
chain of other lakes, that would render the communi- 
cation easy and direct. To commemorate these an- 
ticipations he gave the name of La Chine (Lachine) 
to his trading establishment on the Island of Mont- 
real, a name it has borne to the present day. 

Although he saw glowing visions of fame and 
fortune in so brilliant a discovery, yet he was not so 
sanguine as to believe it could be effected without 
more means than he could then command, either by 
his personal influence or from his own resources. He 
set himself to learn a lesson of patience, and resolved 
to wait the favoring tide of opportunity. Meantime, 
Courcelles, the Governor of Canada, was busy in re- 
sisting the hostile inroads of the Iroquois. He built 
a fort at Sorel, and another at Chambly, and pro- 
posed to erect a third at the eastern extremity of 
Lake Ontario, where the St. Lawrence issues from 
that lake. This plan was carried out by the Count de 
Frontenac, his successor in the government, who 
called a council of Iroquois chiefs at that place, and 
so far prevailed over their simplicity as to gain their 
consent, on the grounds that this fort was to be only 



ROBERT DE LA SALLE 17 

a depository of goods, which would faciHtate the 
Indian trade. The fort was constructed of earth 
and paHsades of wood in the year 1672, and called 
at first Fort Cataraqui, but afterwards honored with 
the name of its founder. The discerning eye of La 
Salle perceived that this post offered great advan- 
tages for the execution of his projects of traffic and 
discovery. He aspired to its command. He had the 
good fortune to win the favor of Frontenac, a man, 
says Charlevoix, of quick perceptions, talents, and 
cultivation, but of determined will, absolute temper, 
and deep-rooted prejudices. Fortified by the counte- 
nance of Frontenac, the aspiring adventurer repaired 
to France, in the year 1675, and laid his proposals 
before the minister. The capacious genius of Colbert 
then presided over the finances and marine of France. 
The colonial affairs were under the control of the 
marine department. 

Colbert had a soul to comprehend the large 
schemes of La Salle, and their ultimate bearing on 
the power of France in the New World. We are 
authorized to believe, also, that La Salle, during his 
residence of eight years in Canada, had acquired a 
character which commanded respect and confidence. 
Louis the Fourteenth acceded to the views of Col- 
bert, and letters-patent were issued, and signed by 
the king's hand, which granted the government and 
property of Fort Frontenac to the Sieur de la Salle, 
with the seigniory of a tract of land around it, on 
condition that he should rebuild the fort with stone, 
maintain a garrison there at his own expense, and 
clear up certain portions of the land. According to 

A. B., VOL. I. — 2 



l8 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

Hennepin, he likewise agreed to reimburse the 
amount which the Count de Frontenac had paid for 
constructing the original fort and supporting the 
garrison, Charlevoix informs us, that La Salle re- 
ceived from the king a patent of nobility, but in what 
rank or degree he was placed by this patent in the 
scale of titles does not appear. He was empowered, 
however, to hold free commerce with the natives, 
and to pursue, his discoveries. 

After a few months' detention in France, the new 
lord of Cataraqui returned to Quebec, and repaired 
immediately to his seigniory. Applying himself dili- 
gently to his work, he faithfully performed his part 
of the contract. In two years' time, the paliaades 
and embankments of the old fort were demolished, 
and a new one, of much larger dimensions, arose in 
its place, constructed of stone, with massive walls 
and four bastions. Trees were felled, fields planted, 
and the scene was enlivened by vegetable gardens, 
poultry-yards, and herds of- cattle. A few French 
families had been drawn thither by such temptations 
as the proprietor could hold out to them ; and the 
Recollet missionaries prevailed on some of the wan- 
dering natives to set up their cabins in the neighbor- 
hood of the fort, and to allow their children to be 
taught. A convenient and secure harbor lay within 
a small distance from the fort, opening into the lake 
towards the south. Not neglecting his commercial 
interest, on which, indeed, he depended for the re- 
sources to meet his heavy expenditures, La Salle 
built three small barques with decks, the first of that 
description which had been seen above the rapids of 



ROBERT DE LA SALLB I9 

the St. Lawrence. With these vessels he could navi- 
gate Lake Ontario and traffic with the savages on all 
its borders. 

Having accomplished these undertaking with a 
despatch and success which afforded a signal proof 
of his ability and energy, he was now in a condition 
to turn his thoughts again to his great project of 
western discovery. After the expedition of Mar- 
quette and Joliet, he could not doubt that the Missis- 
sippi discharged itself into the Gulf of Mexico. This 
fact only inflamed him with the more vehement de- 
sire to complete the discovery of that river, to be the 
founder of colonies on its banks, and thus to open 
a new avenue of trade upon navigable waters be- 
tween France and the vast countries of the west. 
Fortune and fame seemed to lie in his path and 
beckon him onward. Nor were his visions of 
China and Japan grown less dim or attractive. He 
still hoped to find a passage to those distant coun- 
tries from the head-waters of the Mississippi. His 
achievements at Fort Frontenac were only prepara- 
tory to the grand enterprise upon which he had so 
long set his heart. He had continued to preserve the 
friendship of the Count de Frontenac, who approved 
his designs, and proffered his influence to promote 
them with the court of France. Thus encouraged, 
the Sieur de la Salle made another voyage to his na- 
tive country towards the end of the year 1677. 

The great Colbert received him as before, and his 
son, the Marquis de Seignelay, who was now at the 
head of the marine department, was equally forward 
in advancing an enterprise which promised so much 



20 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

for the glory and power of France. With its success- 
ful execution these ministers saw almost the whole 
continent of North America within their grasp. As 
La Salle asked for no aid in money or supplies from 
the government, his requests were the more readily 
complied with. New letters-patent were granted, 
and signed by the king, May 12th, 1678, confirming 
his rights to the fort and seigniory of Cataraqui, and 
bestowing additional privileges and powers. He was 
authorized to push his discoveries as far as he chose 
to the westward, and to build forts wherever he 
should think proper, on the same conditions as he had 
built Fort Frontenac. To meet the large expense, 
which he must necessarily incur, the exclusive traffic 
in buffalo skins was accorded to him while the patent 
continued, but he was prohibited from trading with 
the Hurons and other Indians, who usually brought 
their furs to Montreal. The object of this prohibi- 
tion was, doubtless, to prevent an interference with 
the established traders. It does not appear to have 
extended to the Upper Lakes, or to the westward of 
those lakes, where La Salle enjoyed the same privi- 
lege as others. Buffalo skins had but recently been 
brought to the Canadian market. He must have 
heard of the immense numbers of these animals that 
wandered over the western prairies, and have formed 
high expectations of the profits of the trade, and of 
its advantage to French commerce, for this was one 
of the arguments which he used to the ministers in 
soliciting his grant. He took some of the skins with 
him to France as a sample. The cost of transporting 
so bulky an article to Canada in canoes rendered it 



ROBERT DE LA SALLE 21 

the more important to seek a communication with 
the sea through the waters of the Mississippi. This 
consideration was of httle moment compared with 
others, which chiefly weighed upon his mind. He 
sought wealth apparently as the means of attaining 
his favorite ends. The love of adventure, the pas- 
sion for exploring unknown lands, and the ambition 
of planting colonies and of building up a name which 
should rival those of the early discoverers and con- 
querors of the New World, these were the motives 
which kindled the aspirations and wrought upon the 
strong heart of La Salle. 

Among the men of rank who promoted his applica- 
tion to the French court was the Prince de Conti. 
By the recommendation of this nobleman. La Salle 
took into his employ the Chevalier de Tonty, an 
Italian by birth, who had been for several years in 
the French army, and had lost a hand in the service. 
This selection proved fortunate. Tonty was a man 
of capacity, courage, and resolution, and he con- 
tinued true to the interests of his employer to the last, 
both as an officer and a friend.* Two months after 
receiving his patent, the Sieur de la Salle sailed from 
Rochelle, accompanied by Tonty, the Sieur de la 
Motte, a pilot, mariners, ship-carpenters, and other 
workmen, in all about thirty persons. He also 
freighted the ship with anchors, cordage, and other 
materials necessary for rigging small vessels, which 
he designed to construct for the navigation of the 

* In some authors the name retains its Italian dress, Tonti; 
but I have seen an autograph written Henry de Tonty. He 
was a son of the Italian financier, who invented the Tontine, 
a method of life insurance adopted in France. 



22 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

lakes. To these was added a quantity of arms and 
merchandise. With this equipage he arrived at 
Quebec near the end of September. Remaining 
there no longer than was necessary to arrange his 
affairs, he hastened forward, with the whole of his 
company, to Fort Frontenac, having succeeded, with 
great labor and difficulty, in conducting his heavy- 
laden canoes up the dangerous rapids of the St. 
Lawrence. 



CHAPTER II 

Recollet Missionaries in Canada. — La Salle prepares for his 
Voyage of Discovery. — Builds a Vessel of sixty tons above 
the Falls of Niagara. — Sails through the Lakes to Mackinac. 

From the date of the original settlement of Can- 
ada, the missionaries performed a distinguished part 
in paving the way to an intercourse with the Indians, 
and on many occasions in tempering the ferocity of 
those wild men of the forest. This work of self- 
sacrifice and pious zeal was at first shared between 
the Jesuits and Recollets, a branch of the Franciscan 
stock; but at an early day the Jesuits had the ad- 
dress to exclude their brethren of a different order, 
and for nearly forty years the Canadian mission was 
wholly under their control. This unbrotherly act 
was deeply bewailed by the Recollets, as appears in 
the narrative of Father Le Cercq, one of their num- 
ber, who unveils the secret machinations, political 
and theological, by which the event was brought 
about. During this period were published the nu- 
merous volumes of " Relations," which consist of the 
annual reports of the Jesuit missionaries in Canada, 
containing curious incidents of their adventures 
among the savages, and often matter of historical 
value. 

But the Recollets were not doomed to perpetual 
lamentations. These disciples of St. Francis were 

23 



24 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

restored to their privileges in 1670, and Father Ga- 
briel de la Rabourde, with others of his fraternity, 
came over to Quecbec, and established their mission 
on its former basis. They were favored by the good- 
will, if not by the direct encouragement, of the Count 
de Frontenac. Before the fort of palisades at Cata- 
raqui w^as completed, Father Gabriel was allowed to 
commence his vocation at that place, and the mission 
continued under his direction or that of his asso- 
ciates. Although La Salle had received his educa- 
tion at the hands of the Jesuits, and had lived with 
them for many years, yet his predilections seem to 
have leaned towards the Recollets. From them he 
chose the spiritual guides who were to accompany 
him in his discoveries. When he arrived at Fort 
Frontenac, he found Fathers Gabriel, Louis Henne- 
pin, and Zenobe Membre, awaiting his orders; and 
also Luke Buisset and Melithon Watteau, the former 
destined for the missionary station at the fort, and 
the latter for that at Niagara. They were all natives 
of the Spanish Netherlands. The most renowned of 
these Fathers was Hennepin, who has figured in the 
literary world, and who will often appear in the 
course of this narrative. He came to Canada in the 
same vessel with the Sieur de la Salle, when return- 
ing after his first voyage to France ; and from that 
time he had been employed as a missionary at Fort 
Frontenac, or in rambling among the Iroquois. In 
some of these excursions he visited Albany, then 
called New Orange, and other frontier settlements 
of New York. Being of a restless temper, it was not 
his humor to remain long in the same place. 



ROBERT DE LA SALLE 2$ 

The season being now far advanced in this north- 
ern cHmate, La Salle made all haste to begin the 
preparations for his great enterprise, which he re- 
solved to set on foot as early as possible in the fol- 
lowing Spring or summer. A vessel was to be built 
and equipped above the Falls of Niagara, in which 
he could navigate the Upper Lakes ; and this arduous 
task was to be accomplished in the heart of winter, 
by a few men, at a distance of several hundred miles 
from any civilized settlement, who were to construct 
and guard their own habitations, surrounded by 
savages, who looked with no approving eye upon 
these strange inroads into their ancient domains. 

It will be remembered that three small vessels with 
decks had been built at Fort Frontenac the year be- 
fore. On the 1 8th of November, one of these vessels, 
a brigantine of ten tons, was despatched to Niagara, 
with workmen on board, and laden with provisions, 
and the implements and materials necessary for ship- 
building. Tonty was at the head of this party, ac- 
companied by La Motte and Hennepin. To screen 
their slender craft from the northwest winds by the 
protection of a lee shore, they laid their course along 
the northern coast of the lake, making slow progress, 
and running aground two or three times in attempt- 
ing to sail up a river. They stopped at an Indian 
village near the present town of Toronto, where they 
procured from the natives a supply of corn. Steer- 
ing thence across the upper end of the lake, they en- 
countered headwinds and bad weather, and anchored 
on one occasion five leagues from the land ; but they 
had the good fortune, on the 6th of December, to 



26 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

furl their sails in the mouth of the Niagara River. 
Here they found a cluster of Indian cabins, the ten- 
ants of which were not destitute of the virtue of 
hospitality, for they regaled their unexpected visitors 
with a repast of excellent white-fish, which were 
caught in great abundance at that place. 

The next day, a party went up the river, in a 
canoe, as far as the hills near the present site of 
Queenstown ; but, the current being too rapid to 
permit them to ascend higher, they left their canoe, 
and proceeded by land around the Falls to the Chip- 
peway River, where they encamped for the night. 
The snow was now a foot deep. They were search- 
ing for a place above the Falls in which a vessel 
might be built and launched, and taken thence into 
Lake Erie. Returning to the mouth of the river, 
they found their brigantine in danger from the float- 
ing ice, and with infinite labor they brought it up to 
the foot of the cliffs, and dragged it ashore. This 
position was selected as suitable for a fort, and they 
began to set up palisades and erect cabins necessary 
for their immediate protection against the Indians, 
as well as against the severity of the weather. The 
frozen ground, covered with snow, rendered this task 
tedious and difficult. 

To prosecute with any hope of success the design 
of building a fort and a ship on the waters of the 
Niagara, it was essential to have the approbation and 
good-will of the surrounding Indians. The powerful 
nation of the Senecas resided in the vicinity. La 
Motte had orders from the Sieur de la Salle to go 
on an embassy to this nation, hold a council with the 



ROBERT DE LA SALLE 2^ 

chiefs, explain his objects, and gain their consent. 
Accompanied by Father Hennepin and seven men 
well-armed, he travelled about thirty leagues 
through the woods, and came to the great village of 
the Senecas. A council-fire was kindled, around 
which the Indians assembled with their accustomed 
gravity, speeches were delivered on both sides, and 
the French, by a profusion of presents and a promise 
to establish a blacksmith at Niagara, who should 
repair the Indians' guns, at last gained their point. 
La Motte and his companions went back well satis- 
fied to Niagara; and here he disappears from the 
scene. The hardships which thronged around him 
in the path of new discoveries were more than he 
had resolution to encounter, and he returned to a 
life of repose in Quebec. 

Tonty remained firm at his post, and on the 20th 
of January, the whole party, who still lingered with- 
in their encampment of palisades, were cheered by 
the voice of La Salle himself, who had come from 
Fort Frontenac in one of his small vessels, laden 
with provisions, merchandise, and materials for rig- 
ging the new ship, which was destined to be the first 
to plough the waves of the great western lakes. The 
clouds of misfortune, however, began already to 
hang over his prospects, and to cast a gloom upon 
the future that might have disheartened any man 
of a less ardent temperament and resolute spirit. By 
the dissension of two pilots the brigantine was cast 
away on the southern shore of Lake Ontario, and it 
was with difficulty that the anchors and rigging were 
saved. Several bark canoes, with the goods and pro- 
visions on board, were wrecked and lost. 



28 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

On his passage, La Salle had made a visit in per- 
son to the Seneca Indians, and he flattered himself 
that he had so far won their favor that they would 
not embarrass his operations. It is to be considered 
that it was not the suspicious temper alone of the 
Indians with which he had to contend. The monop- 
oly which he had gained from the government, the 
many advantages which this monopoly gave him, 
and the large scale upon which he conducted his 
affairs, raised against him a host of enemies among 
the traders and merchants of Canada. These men 
endeavored to thwart his designs, and the easiest 
way of effecting this end was to stir up the jealousy 
of the savages, by representing that his plan of 
building forts and ships on their borders was in- 
tended only to command their trade, by dictating 
the terms and curbing their power. Agents were 
sent among the Indians to scatter reports of this na- 
ture, and to sow the seeds of hostility. 

These artifices were well known to La Salle. He 
was on his guard, but was not deterred for a moment 
in pursuing his objects. He did not, however, press 
the point of constructing a permanent fort at Niaga- 
ra. This was not necessary to his immediate purpose. 
His present aim was to push forward with all speed 
to the west, and he lost no time in making prepara- 
tion for his voyage. The place for a dock-yard was 
selected about two leagues above the Falls, at the 
outlet of a creek on the western side of Niagara 
River. Here the keel of a vessel was laid, six days 
after his arrival, and he drove the first bolt with his 
own hand. 



ROBERT DE LA SALLE 29 

Having made the arrangements for prosecuting 
the work, he hastened back to Fort Frontenac, leav- 
ing Tonty in command. His affairs required his 
presence at the fort, for it must be kept in mind that 
the expedition was to be carried on wholly at his own 
expense; and the funds were to be raised by his 
credit, and by such thrift in traffic as his skill and 
means would allow. Setting off with two men, he 
performed the journey by land, a distance of nearly 
three hundred miles, through the country of the Five 
Nations. A sack of parched corn constituted his 
stock of provisions. The two men and a dog 
dragged his baggage over the frozen snow and ice. 

It should be mentioned that, some weeks previous- 
ly, he had despatched fifteen men in canoes, with 
orders to proceed through the lakes to Mackinac and 
other islands in that vicinity, and thence to the Illi- 
nois country at the south end of Lake Michigan. 
These men were supplied with merchandise, to trade 
with the natives for furs and skins. It was also ex- 
pected that they would collect provisions at different 
posts ; and they were to await the arrival of the Sieur 
de la Salle with his exploring company. 

Meantime the shipbuilders applied themselves with 
diligence to their task, under the direction of Tonty. 
The savages excited alarm now and then by hover- 
ing around and sometimes entering the encampment 
with less ceremony than beseemed well-disposed visi- 
tors. An Indian woman brought them intelligence 
that a plot was laid to burn the vessel while it was on 
the stocks. Again, the provisions on board the brig- 
antine having been lost, a scarcity was feared, espe- 



30 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

daily as the Indians would not sell their com. Two 
eastern Indians, however, employed as hunters, were 
so successful in their calling as to furnish season- 
able supplies of fresh deer and game. Notwithstand- 
ing this resource, the sufferings of the men from 
cold and privation, and their apprehension of savage 
tomahawks, betrayed them into occasional symptoms 
of discontent. Father Hennepin takes credit to him- 
self for allaying their fears, and soothing their 
anxieties, by the exhortations which he proffered to 
them as supplements to his sermons. 

However this may be, the work went rapidly for- 
ward, and in good time the ship was launched, to the 
great joy of all. The event was commemorated by 
the firing of three guns. The vessel was named the 
Griffin, in compliment to the Count de Frontenac, 
whose armorial bearings were adorned by two grif- 
fins as supporters. 

The men swung their hammocks under the deck, 
secure in their floating fortification from the intru- 
sion of the savages. No wonder that from this time 
they were cheered with more buoyant spirits and 
flushed with brighter hopes. The ship was com- 
pletely finished, rigged, and equipped within six 
months from the day on which the keel was laid. 
The ornamental parts were not forgotten. A griffin, 
with expanded wings, surmounted by an eagle, sat 
on the prow. Five small guns, two of brass, and 
three arquebuses, were the arms of defence. The 
burden was sixty tons. The success with which this 
undertaking had been carried through, in the face of 
so many obstacles and embarrassments, was credit- 



ROBERT DE LA SALLE 3 1 

able to the ability of the Chevalier de Tonty, and to 
his skill in command. Hitherto the current of the 
river above the Falls had been untried, and the navi- 
gators of the Griffin did not venture to trust their 
sails in making this new experiment. The vessel was 
cautiously towed along the shore, and moored in 
safety within three miles of Lake Erie. 

During this period, the Sieur de la Salle remained 
at Fort Frontenac, attending to his commercial and 
other affairs. It required no small degree of vig- 
ilance to counteract the manoeuvres of his enemies, 
who were bent on defeating all his plans. They 
spread reports that he was about to engage in a most 
hazardous adventure, the expenses of which were 
enormous, and from which there could be little hope 
of his ever returning, and that his visionary schemes 
and unyielding temper would ruin himself and all 
concerned with him. These rumors alarmed his 
creditors in Montreal and Quebec, who seized upon 
his effects there, and sold them at a great loss to their 
owner. There was no remedy for these vexations; 
the delay in rectifying them would effect the very 
object at which the instigators aimed; and he sub- 
mitted to them with patience ; although his property 
of Fort Frontenac and the lands around it, which he 
must necessarily leave behind him, was in value more 
than double the amount of all his debts. 

Before leaving Fort Frontenac, he performed an 
act of generosity to the Recollets, who were about 
to depart with him, by making a perpetual grant to 
their Order. He had already built houses and a 
chapel for their accommodation, aud he now, by a 



32 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

legal instrument, drawn up and attested by his no- 
tary, La Metairie, gave* to the Order of Recollets 
eighteen acres of land on the margin of the lake near 
the fort, and a hundred acres more of forest land. 

Hearing that his ship was ready, he hastened to 
Niagara, skirting along the southern shore of Lake 
Ontario in a canoe, and stopping by the way to ce- 
ment his friendship with the Iroquois by new pres- 
ents and promises. Arriving at the ship, he was re- 
joiced to find all preparations in forwardness, and 
the men in good spirits. The wind not being strong 
enough for a few days to encourage the attempt to 
surmount the rapids at the head of the Niagara 
River, the time was employed in grubbing up the 
soil and planting seeds. At length, advantage being 
taken of a favorable wind, with the aid of twelve 
men pulling by a rope on the shore, the ship escaped 
all danger, and floated triumphantly on the waters 
of Lake Erie. The brass cannon, the arquebuses, 
and a volley of firearms, attested the joy which this 
occasion inspired; the forests resounded with the 
acclamations of the men ; and the Indians gazed with 
mute astonishment at so novel a scene. 

The company now assembled on the deck of the 
Griffin amounted in all to thirty-four. The three 
missionaries, the venerable Father Ribourde, the er- 
ratic Hennepin, and the amiable Zenobe, were at 
their posts. A small party was left at Niagara under 
the spiritual charge of Father Melithon Watteau. 
The Chevalier de Tonty had been sent forward some 
time before, with five men in canoes, instructed to 
proceed to Mackinac, and look after the fifteen men, 



ROBERT DE LA SALLE 33 

whom La Salle had despatched thither in the autumn 
preceding for purposes of trade. 

On the 7th of August, 1679, the sails of the 
Griffin were spread to the winds of Lake Erie, and 
our adventurers committed their destiny to the great 
waters. Confiding in the strength of their vessel, 
and the skill of the mariners, they sailed fearlessly 
into the lake, and shaped their course by the compass. 
The voyage was prosperous. On the third day were 
descried the islands at the mouth of the strait leading 
to Lake Huron. Li sailing up this strait, hitherto 
not explored except with canoes, more caution was 
necessary, but they ran safely through it in thirteen 
days. The small lake, which they crossed in their 
way, they called St. Claire, in honor of the saint 
whose name appears in the calendar for the day on 
which they entered it. By frequent soundings and 
other precautions, they passed without accident over 
the shallow waters of the strait near its northern ex- 
tremity, till their sails at last caught the breezes of 
Lake Huron. 

Standing thus on an open sea, they felt more se- 
cure, and with good heart turned the prow towards 
the port of their destination. With the usual vicissi- 
tudes of headwinds and calms, they advanced slowly, 
but without danger, till a terrible tempest arose 
which filled the boldest mariners with dismay. Hen- 
nepin tells us that even the resolute soul of La Salle 
quailed before the horrors that surrounded him. 
Joining with the others in fervent prayers to St. 
Anthony of Padua, he made a vow, that, if he should 
be delivered out of these perils, the first chapel 

A. B., VOL. I.— 3 



34 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

erected in his newly-discovered countries should be 
dedicated to that great saint.* The pilot was the 
only man among them whose devotions were not 
quickened by these appalling scenes. He poured out 
his complaints upon La Salle, as the author of these 
calamities, and bewailed the sad fate, by which, after 
the glory he had gained in braving the storms and 
rage of the ocean in every clime, he was now doomed 
to perish in a fresh-water lake. Happily the winds 
abated, the billows ceased to roll, and, on the 27th of 
August, a favoring breeze wafted the GrifUn into a 
placid bay in the Island of Mackinac. 

* Hennepin's " Description de la Lonisiane," p. 58. Le 
Clercq's " Etablissement de la Foy " (Establishment of the 
Faith), p. 148. 



CHAPTER III 

Sails to an Island at the Entrance of Green Bay.— Proceeds 
on his Voyage in Canoes along the Western Shore of Lake 
Michigan. — Disasters of the Voyage. — Meets a Party of 
Indians, who threaten Hostilities. — Arrives at the Miamis 
River. 

It was the first purpose of our voyagers to make 
a favorable impression upon the Indians, whose 
friendship was essential to their success. These sons 
of the forest looked with wonder at the ship, the first 
they had ever seen, which they called the great 
wooden canoe; and their astonishment was increased 
when they went on board and heard the roar of the 
cannon. The Sieur de la Salle, clothed in a scarlet 
cloak edged with gold, and attended by some of his 
men well dressed and armed, made a visit of cere- 
mony to the head-men of the village, where he was 
received and entertained with much civility, and 
where the missionaries celebrated mass. 

On the opposite shore of the strait, which sepa- 
rates Mackinac from Michigan, was a settlement of 
Hurons, which Father Marquette had gathered at 
that place several years before. Their habitations 
stood on an eminence, and were surrounded by pali- 
sades. They had already made such progress in civil- 
ization that they understood the use of firearms, 
which they had procured from the French traders, 
and they saluted the commander of the great canoe 

35 



36 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

with three rounds from all their guns. This show 
of civility, however, was more politic than sincere, 
for their friendly dispositions were no further 
manifested. 

In fact, La Salle soon discovered that the zeal of 
his enemies in Canada had been exceedingly active 
against him during the summer, and that they had 
taken pains, by their emissaries, to poison the minds 
of the Indians and traders in all that region. They 
had represented him as having a design, not only to 
monopolize the trade in furs and skins, but to invade 
and subdue the natives. Reports of this nature oc- 
casioned suspicion, and put them on their guard. 
These machinations operated to his disadvantage in 
another quarter. The fifteen men, whom he had sent 
forward to barter and collect provisions had been 
tampered with and seduced from their duty. Instead 
of going to the Illinois, as they were ordered, they 
had wasted the time at Mackinac, and on the islands 
and coasts in the neighborhood. Some had deserted, 
and others had squandered a part of the merchandise 
with which they were furnished for traffic. Tonty, 
who reached Mackinac in a canoe some time before 
the vessel arrived, had been unable to find them all, 
or to satisfy the disaffected at that place. 

These disappointments were discouraging, but 
they could not be remedied, and the season was too 
far advanced to admit of delay. It was known that 
some of the deserters had gone to the Falls of St. 
Mary, and others to the Indian villages in that direc- 
tion on the western shores of Lake Huron. These 
men were important to the success of the expedition, 



ROBERT DE LA SALLE 37 

and Tonty was sent with a small party in canoes to 
search for them, and prevail on them to return to the 
service. Moreover, a few of them, it was believed, 
were true to their engagements, and were detained 
in carrying on their trade with the natives. 

Meantime the sails of the Griffin were again 
spread to the wind. Passing through the strait be- 
tween Mackinac and the mainland on the opposite 
side, the explorers entered the broad expanse of Lake 
Michigan, and, coasting along its northern borders, 
after a prosperous voyage of somewhat more than a 
hundred miles, they cast anchor in a small island at 
the mouth of Green Bay. This island was inhabited 
by Pottawatimies, being a portion of a tribe of In- 
dians of that name residing in the Wisconsin terri- 
tory. And here the Sieur de la Salle had the good 
luck to meet with several of his men, who had been 
diligent in collecting furs, and had laid up a large 
quantity in store. 

With these furs, and others that might be pro- 
cured at Mackinac, and at the different posts on the 
passage, he resolved to freight his ship, and send her 
back to Niagara, for the purpose of making a re- 
mittance to his creditors. This was apparently a 
sudden resolution, and not satisfactory to his people, 
who must thenceforth pursue their route in canoes, 
exposed to numerous hardships and dangers ; and in 
the end it proved extremely unfortunate. But he 
seldom asked counsel of any person, and was not 
easily diverted from an object upon which he had 
set his mind. Besides, he doubtless thought that his 
men could not reasonably complain of hardships, 



38 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

which he was to share in the same measure as all the 
others. Within two weeks after their arrival at the 
island, the vessel sailed, having on board the pilot 
and five mariners bound for Niagara. The pilot was 
ordered to come back as soon as possible, and pursue 
his voyage to the mouth of the Miamis River, at the 
southeastern extremity of Lake Michigan. 

The company now remaining consisted of fourteen 
persons. These were to be transported along the 
west side of Lake Michigan in four bark canoes, 
which were likewise laden with a blacksmith's forge, 
carpenters' tools, utensils of various kinds, merchan- 
dise, and arms. A small stock of provisions only 
was laid in, because it was expected that supplies 
would be obtained on the way from the Indians, and 
by the hunters whenever they landed. In all his 
travels. La Salle seems to have been accompanied by 
a faithful Indian from some of the eastern tribes, 
who served him in the double capacity of footman 
and hunter, being exceedingly expert in the use of 
his gun and in searching for game, and on whose 
skill and activity he and his companions often de- 
pended for subsistence. 

All the preparations being made, they took their 
departure from the island on the 19th of September. 
Nightfall came on before they reached the nearest 
point of the continent, which was twelve miles dis- 
tant. Darkness thickened, the waves rose, and the 
water dashed into the canoes ; but they contrived to 
keep together, and to find a landing-place in the 
morning. Here they were detained four days in a 
barren spot, till the lake became calm. A single 



ROBERT DE LA SALLE 39 

porcupine was the only trophy that rewarded the 
hunter's fatiguing rambles, which Fatl:ter Hennepin 
says afforded a savory relish to their pumpkins and 
corn. Trusting their fragile canoes again to the 
waves, they were soon overtaken by iiew disasters. 
Clouds gathered over them, the winds blew angrily, 
and, deluged with rain and sleet, they were glad to 
seek safety on a naked rock for two days, with no 
other shelter than their blankets. At the end of an- 
other day. they were in so great danger in attempting 
to land that the Sieur de la Salle leaped into the 
water with his men, and assisted them to drag his 
canoe ashore. His example was followed by those in 
the other canoes. They landed somewhere in the 
neighborhood of the River Milwaukie. 

By this time the provisions were exhausted, but 
they had seen Indians, and presumed their habita- 
tions were near. Three men were sent, with the 
calumet of peace, to search for corn. They came to 
a deserted village, where they found abundance of 
corn, of which they took as much as they wanted, 
and left such articles as the natives valued in ex- 
change. Before night the Indians hovered suspi- 
ciously around the party at the canoes; but, when 
the calumet of peace was presented, they showed 
themselves friends, and entertained their visitors 
with dances and songs. They were so well satisfied 
with the goods left in the village that the next day 
they brought more corn and a supply of deer, for 
which they were amply rewarded. 

This proof of human sympathy, even from men 
called savages, was a sunbeam in the path of the 



40 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

weary voyagers. Their troubles, however, were not 
at an end. Launching their canoes again upon the 
water, they were doomed to wage the same hard con- 
flict with the angry elements ; at times dragging their 
canoes upon the rocks to escape the fury of the 
waves, and at other times pulling them ashore 
through the foaming surf, with the spray beating 
over their heads. Such were the perils to which they 
were exposed, and the sufferings they endured, al- 
most without cessation, till they reached the end of 
the lake, and turned their course eastward. Here 
the waters were more tranquil, and on the land they 
could regale themselves with the flesh of deer and 
wild turkeys, which fell an easy prey to the hunters. 
Grape vines hung in graceful festoons from the tall 
forest trees, loaded with clusters of ripe fruit, which 
was gathered by cutting down the trees. At length, 
to enjoy a little repose, they went ashore on a small 
peninsula, and drew their canoes upon the beach. 

The footprints of men had been seen near this 
place, which indicated that Indians were not far off. 
At present La Salle had no desire to make their ac- 
quaintance. He gave express orders that every one 
should keep quiet, and be on his guard. But one of 
the men, seeing a bear in a tree, could not resist so 
tempting an opportunity to try his gun, and he shot 
the bear dead, and dragged him in triumph to the 
camp. These animals climbed the trees to feast on 
the grapes. La Salle was vexed at this piece of in- 
discretion in the man, and, to avoid surprise, placed 
a sentinel near the canoes, which had been turned 
bottom upwards to screen the goods under them 
from the rain. 



ROBERT DE LA SALLE 4t 

The noise of the gun was heard by the savages, 
who proved to be a roving party of Outtagamies, or 
Fox Indians, from Green Bay, apparently on a hunt- 
ing excursion. In the night several of them crept 
silently by the camp, and came to the canoes, where 
they succeeded in stealing a coat and some other ar- 
ticles before they were discovered. The alarm was 
given, and the Frenchmen flew to their arms. The 
Indians then cried out that they were friends, and 
that, hearing the gun, they suspected a party of 
Iroquois to be in the neighborhood, who, being ene- 
mies, could only design to kill them. To ascertain 
whether their suspicions were correct, they said, was 
the occasion of their coming so near the camp ; and 
since they found themselves among Frenchmen from 
Canada, whom they regarded as brethren, they had 
no disposition to be obtrusive, but, on the contrary, 
should be well pleased to smoke the calumet of 
peace. Not caring to embroil himself unnecessarily, 
the Sieur de la Salle allowed them to depart, telling 
them that he would receive a visit from four of their 
number, but no more. Accordingly four old men 
came to him, smoked their pipes, and proffered 
friendship. 

Not long after they were gone, the theft was de- 
tected, which placed matters upon another footing. 
If such an affront were suffered to pass unnoticed, 
a repetition of it might be expected, with other in- 
sults. La Salle was determined to have satisfaction. 
He went out with some of his men, and seized two of 
the Indians, who were strolling in the woods, and 
brought them back prisoners. One of these he sent 



42 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

to the chiefs with a message, that, unless the stolen 
goods were restored, the life of the prisoner remain- 
ing in his hands should be the forfeit. This message 
threw the Indian encampment into a state of great 
perplexity, for the coat and other articles had been 
cut into many pieces, and distributed to different 
individuals, so that the demand could not be com- 
plied with. It was finally decided, as the only resort, 
that they would rescue the prisoner by force. They 
marched to the attack, but the movement was discov- 
ered in time to enable the Frenchmen to advance to 
an eminence near the sandy plain, which separated 
the peninsula from the mainland, and to take such a 
position as the savages were not eager to assail. For 
a brief space these demonstrations seemed ominous 
of a conflict ; but, the Indians being evidently re- 
luctant to make the assault, and their opponents hav- 
ing nothing to gain by it, there was not much diffi- 
culty in coming to a parley, which led to a settlement 
of the dispute without bloodshed or blows. Father 
Hennepin, as usual, plumes himself upon this h-appy 
issue of events, ascribing it to his valor and presence 
of mind in going boldly among the Indians, in the 
face of their war-clubs and tomahawks, and present- 
ing himself as a mediator and peace-maker. He 
had seen battles and sieges in Flanders, and was not 
now to be intimidated by the parade of Indian 
warfare. 

The Sieur de la Salle agreed to admit a deputa- 
tion of two persons, and promised their safety. Two 
old men made their appearance, and said that the 
robbery was disapproved, and that the goods would 



ROBERT DE LA SALLE 43 

have been restored if it had been possible; but, since 
it was not so, the only thing that could now be done 
was to return such as were not injured, and pay for 
the rest. So reasonable a proposition could not be 
refused. The treaty was, moreover, confirmed by a 
rich present of beaver skin robes. The cessation of 
hostilities on these terms was mutually gratifying to 
the parties. The event was celebrated by feasts, 
dancing, and speeches, and the Indian orators called 
up all their rhetoric to adorn and enforce their ex- 
pressions of attachment to their new friends. 

Harmony being thus restored, the canoes were 
again put afloat, and, without further adventures, 
the whole party entered, on the ist of November, 
the mouth of the Miamis River, since called the St. 
Joseph. 



CHAPTER IV 

Builds a Fort. — Joined by the Chevalier de Tonty. — Loss of 
the Griffin. — The Sieur de la Salle and the whole Party go 
down the Kankakee River to the Illinois. — Arrive at a de- 
serted Indian Village. — Descend the River to Lake Peoria. — 
Land at a large Settlement of Illinois Indians at the South 
End of the Lake. 

The Miamis River had been appointed as the 
rendezvous of the ship, and of the Chevaher de 
Tonty, who was expected to bring with him about 
twenty men. La Salle was disappointed not to find 
this party already arrived, since their route from 
Mackinac was along the east side of the lake, which 
was much shorter than that on the west, over which 
he had passed. His anxieties were also increased 
by the murmurs of his men. The provisions were 
all consumed, except such as could be obtained by 
the chase ; and they urged him not to stop here, but 
to make haste to the Illinois country, where corn 
might be procured from the natives. They said the 
winter was fast approaching, and the rivers would 
soon be closed with ice, and, if they were detained 
in this desolate spot, there would be the greatest 
danger of perishing by famine, or of being cut off 
by hostile Indians. 

This counsel did not accord with the views of the 
commander. He told them that it would be haz- 

44 



ROBERT DE LA SALLE 45 

ardous to go with so small a number among the 
Illinois, who were a great nation, and on whose 
dispositions they could not rely, and that it would 
be more safe to wait for the expected reinforcement, 
by which they would be enabled to make a better ap- 
pearance, and stand a better chance of gaining the 
respect and friendship of the natives. In the mean- 
time, he hoped to fall in with some straggling party 
of that nation, and to conciliate their favor by 
presents and kind treatment, and, perhaps, to learn 
something of their language. He added, moreover, 
that, if he were deserted and abandoned by them 
all, he should remain at that place with his Indian 
hunter and the missionaries. 

The men seemed very much dissatisfied with this 
determination ; but they yielded, and agreed to obey 
his directions. To divert their thoughts, and em- 
ploy them in a manner that might prove useful to 
his designs, he resolved to build a fort. At the 
junction of the river with the lake, there was a hill 
of considerable elevation, and of a triangular form, 
bounded on two sides by the water, and on the other 
by a deep ravine. The top was level and covered 
with trees. This position was chosen for the fort. 
The trees were cut down, and the bushes cleared 
away, so as to leave the ground open to the distance 
of two musket shots on the side toward the ravine. 
Logs were then cut and hewn, so that they could 
be laid compactly one upon another, and with these 
timbers a breastwork was raised on four sides, en- 
closing a space eighty feet long and forty broad, 
which, for greater security, was to be surrounded 



46 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

by palisades. The structure was called Fort 
Miamis. 

While this work was going on, the precaution was 
taken to sound the river at its entrance, for the pur- 
pose of ascertaining whether the water was deep 
enough to admit the Griffin. The main channel 
was thus discovered, and long stakes were driven 
down on each side of it, with bear skins attached to 
them, as signals for the pilot. Two men were like- 
wise sent back by the shortest route to Mackinac, 
with instructions to the captain, urging him to sail 
up the lake as soon as possible, and informing him 
of the signals by which he would be enabled to bring 
the vessel immediately into the river. 

These occupations kept all hands busy during the 
month of November. The discontent of the men, 
however, did not cease, although they were submis- 
sive to the orders of the commander. To sustain 
them under their fatigues and hard labor, they had 
no other food than the flesh of bears, which the 
Indian hunter killed in the woods. They became 
satiated and disgusted with this coarse fare, and 
desired to go out and hunt for deer and game. 
This permission was not granted, because it was evi- 
dent that they were more bent on desertion than on 
improving their diet. 

At last the Chevalier de Tonty appeared, with 
two canoes well stocked with deer, which had been 
recently killed. This seasonable supply and acces- 
sion of numbers cheered the spirits of the whole 
company. Tonty had left some of his men two or 
three days' journey behind, who were expected to 



ROBERT DE LA SALLE 47 

follow, but whom he could not divert from their 
amusement of shooting stags and gathering acorns, 
in both of which the forests abounded. Perceiving 
that his commander was uneasy at this apparent 
negligence, and was apprehensive that the men 
would desert, he hastened to repair the fault by 
going back after them. On the passage, a violent 
wind upset his canoe, and drove it ashore; but he 
proceeded by land, found the men, and brought them 
all to the fort, except two, who had verified the sus- 
picions of the commander by running away. 

Tonty was the bearer of the unwelcome intelli- 
gence that the GrifRn had not been at Mackinac, 
and that nothing had been heard of her since she 
sailed from the island of the Pottawotimies. 
although inquiries had been made of the natives 
inhabiting the coasts in those parts. This intelli- 
gence weighed heavily upon the mind of the Sieur 
de la Salle, who had already begun to have anxious 
forebodings of the fate of his vessel. Judging from 
her first voyage, she might reasonably be expected 
to arrive at the Miamis River in forty-five days 
from the time she left the island, and seventy days 
had now elapsed. In the sequel, it turned out tliat 
she was lost; no news of her ever came to light; 
and she was probably swallowed up by the waves 
of Lake Michigan while on her passage from the 
island to Mackinac. There was a report that she 
was plundered and burned by the Indians, but of 
the accuracy of this report no credible proof was 
ever produced. 

Having waited as long as prudence would admit, 



48 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

La Salle resolved to go forward. Ice had formed 
in the river, but it was dissolved by a favorable 
change of the weather. On the 3d of December, 
the whole party, consisting of thirty-three persons, 
took their departure from the fort in eight canoes, 
and ascended to the portage.* The distance was 
about seventy miles. Although a canoe had before 
gone up the river to search for the portage, yet its 
exact position had not been ascertained. The Sieur 
de la Salle landed to explore the country alone, and 
was gone so long that his companions began to be 
alarmed for his safety. While he was wandering 
at some distance from the river, hoping to discover 
the sources of the eastern branch of the Illinois, he 
fell upon marshy grounds covered with thick bushes, 
which compelled him to take a large circuit, and 
darkness overtook him on his way. He fired his 
gun, but the signal was not answered. By good 
luck, however, he espied a light not far off, which 
he approached, and found near the fire a bed of 
leaves, upon which a man had just been reposing, 
probably an Indian, who, startled at the sound of 
the gun, had made a precipitate escape. Weary 

* This is according to the statement of Hennepin, but Le 
Clercq says that four men were left at the fort. No other 
account mentions this fact, and it is not probable that so small 
a number would have been left there, exposed to the attacks 
of roving savages. There seems no good reason for ques- 
tioning the accuracy of this part of Hennepin's narrative. 
Forty-two years afterwards, Charlevoix travelled over the same 
route, and his description of natural objects, the courses of 
rivers, and distances, agrees very closely with Hennepin's. 
At the time of Charlevoix's visit, there was a French fort 
and garrison a few miles below the portage. The river was 
then called llie iJL. Joseph. 



ROBERT DE LA SALLE 49 

with the fatigues of the day, and chilled by the 
falHng snow, La Salle at once came to the resolution 
of appropriating these comfortable quarters to him- 
self for the night. Cutting down the bushes, and 
so arranging them around his little encampment that 
no one could approach without making a noise that 
would arouse him from his slumbers in time for de- 
fence, he threw himself upon the couch of leaves, 
and slept undisturbed till morning. In the after- 
noon he rejoined his companions, who were over- 
joyed at his safe return. Two opossums were 
hanging from his belt, which he had killed with a 
club while suspended by their tails from the branches 
of trees. 

Two days had passed in an unsuccessful search 
for the portage. At last the faithful Indian hunter, 
who had been out to look for deer, came in and told 
them where it was, and that they had gone too far 
up the river. By his aid the place was found, and 
the canoes and all their contents were carried over 
a distance of five or six miles to the head-waters of 
the Kankakee.* The precaution had been taken to 
leave letters hanging from branches of trees in con- 
spicuous places, both at the fort and the portage, 
containing instructions for the captain of the 
Griffin, in case he should arrive. For nearly a hun- 
dred miles from its source, the Kankakee winds 
through marshes, which afford growth to little else 
than tall rushes and alders. A more desolate scene 

* The present name of the eastern branch of the Illinois 
River. This word is a corruption of the Indian name Theakiki, 
which the French called Kiakiki. 
A. B., VOL. I. — 4 



50 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

in the midst of winter could hardly be imagined. 
As one comfort of our travellers, however, the 
frozen ground enabled them to go on shore at night, 
build fires, and take their repose. Emerging from 
the marshes, they entered a vast prairie, where the 
stream became broader, and nature put on a more 
cheering aspect. They now began to be straitened 
for provisions, and were disappointed in the sup- 
plies they had expected from the chase. At this 
season, the buffaloes had migrated to a more genial 
clime, and for several days the hunters succeeded 
in killing only two deer, as many wild turkeys, and 
a few swans. In this extremity. Father Hennepin 
says, Providence came to their relief. A stray buf- 
falo was found sticking fast in a marsh. Thus 
disabled, he fell an easy victim to the prowess of the 
hunters, and this fortunate supply revived the flag- 
ging spirits and failing strength of the whole party. 

At length, the canoes floated on the waters of the 
Illinois, after a voyage of three hundred miles, by 
the windings of the Kankakee, from the portage. 
This river is considerably larger than the one in 
which it loses its name at the place of their junction.- 
Charlevoix says he has seen a buffalo wade across 
the western branch at the fork, whereas the Kanka- 
kee is deep and broad, and, as he calls it, a beautiful 
river. 

The current of the Illinois soon conducted the 
voyagers to a large Indian village, situate on the 
right bank of the river, not far below the present 
town of Ottawa. Not a human being was seen in 
the whole village, though it contained- between four 



ROBERT DE LA SALLE 5 1 

and five hundred cabins, many of them well built, 
and covered with mats of rushes. The inhabitants, 
according to their custom, had separated, and gone 
away to the hunting-grounds, where they were to 
pass the winter, this being the proper season for the 
chase and for taking furs. Great quantities of corn 
were found carefully buried in dry places, a temp- 
tation too seductive for men who had subsisted for 
months on the flesh of wild animals alone. The 
Sieur de la Salle knew the hazard he should run by 
appropriating to his use a portion of this corn, and 
the vengeance which such an act might bring upon 
him from its owners ; but the call of necessity was 
more imperious than that of danger, and he caused 
about fifty bushels of it to be carried to the canoes, 
trusting in his good fortune to appease and satisfy 
the savages, when he should meet them, by presents 
and a fair recompense. 

Embarking again on the river, they descended 
four days without any incidents worthy of note, till 
the 1st of January, 1680, the morning of which day 
was commemorated by mutual salutations, by relig- 
ious services from the missionaries, and by such 
other ceremonies as were suited to bid a welcome to 
the opening of a new year. 

And here we should remark, that La Salle had 
all along been told by the savages he had seen on 
his way from Mackinac, that the Illinois Indians 
were unfriendly to the French, and that he was run- 
ning a fearful risk to venture himself among them. 
The thievish Outtagamies, who crossed his path 
near the Miamis River, had repeated the same tale. 



52 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

Those rumors lingered in the busy thoughts of the 
men, and the commander himself was not entirely 
free from apprehension. At any rate, as he must 
soon expect to meet with the natives, he deemed it 
prudent to be on his guard, and prepared for any 
tide of events that might rise. 

On the first day of the year, after the ceremonies 
of the morning, they passed through a lake, about 
twenty miles long and three broad, then called Pim- 
iteouy, but since known as Lake Peoria; and, just 
as they had entered the river at the lower end of 
the lake, an Indian encampment suddenly broke 
upon their view, planted on both sides of the stream. 
The men were immediately summoned to arms ; the 
canoes were ranged in a line, with La Salle on the 
right and Tonty on the left ; and in this attitude 
the little flotilla boldly advanced to the shore. The 
Indians were amazed at this apparition: some of 
the more resolute seized their arms ; others took to 
flight ; and in a moment the whole camp was a scene 
of confusion. The Sieur de la Salle landed first, 
and he was followed by his men. It was not his 
interest or his purpose to seek hostilities, but he well 
knew that to betray symptoms of timidity was not 
the way to secure the respect or conciliate the favor 
of the savages. He stood on his defence, allowing 
the Indians time to recover from their consterna- 
tion, and awaiting the issue. He did not present 
his calumet, because this might be construed as an 
evidence of weakness, rather than of a voluntary 
offer of peace on equal terms. The Indians gazed 
for a while, and seemed to expect a conflict; but, 



ROBERT DE LA SALLE 53 

perceiving no movement on the part of their visitors, 
they finally held up three calumets of peace, and the 
signal was immediately answered by the French. 
From that moment all suspicions and fears ceased; 
they invited the Frenchmen to their cabins, and re- 
ceived them as friends ; the women and others who 
had fled were called back; and the day was passed 
amid festivity and joy. 

La Salle took the first opportunity to explain to 
them the objects that had brought him to their coun- 
try, which he could do with the more facility as he 
was accompanied by two interpreters. He told 
them that he had come from Canada to impart to 
them a knowledge of the true God, to assist them 
against their enemies, and to supply them with arms 
and with the conveniences of life. At this interview 
he said nothing about his proposed voyage to the 
Mississippi. In fact, his aim seems only to have 
been to quell their apprehensions and rivet their 
friendship. The idea of teaching them the Chris- 
tian religion, and at the same time putting firearms 
in their hands to excite their passion for war is so 
incongruous that this report might be doubted, if it 
were not confirmed by two of the missionaries who 
were present, and who relate the circumstance with- 
out comment. He explained to them what he had 
done in regard to the corn, which, he said, was an 
act of necessity ; and he offered to pay its full value 
in such commodities as they might choose from his 
stores. This proposal was readily accepted, and he 
then distributed presents among them, with which 
they expressed entire satisfaction, and all the links 



54 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

in the chain of friendship were understood by both 
parties to be closed. 

This good understanding, however, was soon in- 
terrupted. During the night of the same day, a 
chief of the Mascoutens, a tribe inhabiting the 
region near the Fox River, came secretly into the 
camp of the Illinois. His name was Monso, and 
he was accompanied by several Miamies, who 
brought with them presents of knives, hatchets, ket- 
tles, and other valuable articles. Monso assembled 
the head-men of the village in the night, and told 
them he had come to warn them against the insidi- 
ous designs of La Salle, representing him to be in 
a league with the Irocjuois, and as coming only in 
advance of an army from that formidable nation., 
with which he would unite his forces in an attack 
on the Illinois ; and added that this intelligence was 
communicated to him by some of La Salle's own 
countrymen, at whose suggestion he had undertaken 
this mission, out of the love he bore to his friends. 
Having thus poisoned the minds of these people, and 
distributed the presents, he went off the same night, 
to avoid being seen by the French, although he was, 
doubtless, himself the dupe of his employers, be- 
lieving the tale they instructed him to tell. 

In the morning, when the Sieur de la Salle went 
into the camp, he was surprised at seeing the ap- 
parent distrust and coldness of those who the day 
before had treated him with so much frankness and 
cordiality. He was puzzled to conjecture the cause. 
Applying to one of the chiefs, from whom he had 
received marked tokens of friendship, and pressing 



ROBERT DE LA SALLE 55 

him to explain the reason of these strange appear- 
ances, he finally drew from him the whole story of 
Monso's intrigues. Knowing now on what gromid 
he stood, it was his next endeavor to counteract 
these mischievous counsels, by proving the falsehood 
of the report, and showing the evil designs of its 
authors. He managed the affair with so much dex- 
terity that he succeeded in recovering their friend- 
ship, though, perhaps, not in eradicating every germ 
of suspicion. 

In the meantime, he made inquiries about the 
Mississippi, and talked of his plan of building a 
boat to sail down that river. That all jealousies 
were not put at rest is evident from a circumstance 
which occurred soon afterwards. Nikanape, a man 
of rank in the camp, and brother to the great chief 
of the nation, who was absent on a hunting excur- 
sion, invited the Frenchmen to an entertainment, 
and, before sitting down to the repast, he made a 
long speech, the drift of which was to advise his 
guests against their perilous scheme of going down 
the Mississippi. He said that others had perished 
in the. attempt ; that the banks were inhabited by a 
strong and terrible race of men, who killed every- 
body that came among them; that the waters 
swarmed with crocodiles, serpents, and frightful 
monsters ; and that, even if the boat was large and 
strong enough to escape these dangers, it would be 
dashed in pieces by the falls and rapids, or meet 
with inevitable destruction in a hideous whirlpool 
at the river's mouth, where the river itself was swal- 
lowed up and lost. This harangue, which the era- 



56 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

tor enforced by expressions of anxious concern for 
the welfare of his friends, produced an obvious 
effect on the minds of La Salle's men, even when 
repeated in the less ornate and forcible language of 
the interpreter. He perceived it in their counte- 
nances, and therefore framed his answer in a man- 
ner both to allay their fears, and show the savage 
that he saw more deeply into his motives than he 
imagined. 

He said the dangers which had been painted in 
such glowing colors bore on their face so clear a 
stamp of exaggeration and improbability that he 
was convinced Nikanape himself would excuse him 
for regarding them with utter incredulity ; and even 
if they were as formidable as had been represented, 
the courage of Frenchmen would only be the more 
eager to encounter them, as crowning their enter- 
prise with the greater glory. As to the concern, 
which his host had expressed for their welfare, he 
would not doubt its sincerity, but he believed there 
was something at the bottom of his heart, which 
his sense of propriety on this occasion did not per- 
mit to escape through his words. He felt con- 
strained to say that he saw the seeds of jealousy 
lurking under the cover of this fair speech, which 
touched him the more sensibly, as his own conduct 
had been frank and confiding. If there were causes 
of uneasiness, let them not be concealed under the 
garb of suspicion, but let them be brought out 
to open day, where they might be explained 
and removed. He was surprised that they should 
listen to such idle and malicious reports as Monso 
had imparted in their ears, creeping into the camp 



ROBERT DE LA SALLE 57 

as he did at midnight, and skulking away in dark- 
ness before he could be confronted by those whom 
he had accused. 

This tone of firmness and reproof was taken in 
good part by Nikanape, and he was too skilful a 
host to allow the harmony of his feast to be inter- 
rupted by dissensions of his own making. These 
events, however, were not such as to give peace or 
repose to the mind of La Salle. The imaginations 
of his men were inflamed by Nikanape's terrific 
account of the Mississippi. Six of them deserted, 
including the two sawyers, whose services were ex- 
ceedingly important, preferring a long journey in 
search of some friendly tribes near the Michigan, 
to the labors and dangers before them. Some ac- 
counts say that these men had laid a plot to poison 
their commander and his principal adherents. The 
defection of so large a number was not only dis- 
couraging in itself, but a sad breach in the company. 
La Salle told those who remained, that, in the 
Spring, if any of them should be afraid to venture 
-upon the Mississippi, he would give them a canoe 
to return to Canada, but that it was the extreme of 
folly and imprudence to go off in the depth of win- 
ter, exposed to perish by cold and hunger, or per- 
haps by the hands of the savages. He was aware 
that the readiest method of soothing their discontent 
was to find them employment, and he formed a 
scheme for building a fort. He consulted his men 
on the subject, represented their exposed situation 
among the natives, and their greater security in 
some fortified place. They acquiesced in his views, 
and promised cheerfully to undertake the work. 



CHAPTER V 

Fort Crevecceur built near Lake Peoria. — Intercourse with the 
Indians. — Hennepin ascends the Mississippi. — La Salle re- 
turns by Land to Fort Frontenac. — Some of the Men desert. 
— Iroquois War. — Tonty and Father Zenobe endeavor to 
mediate between the Iroquois and Illinois. 

The place selected for the fort was about half a 
league below the Indian camp, and not far from the 
present town of Peoria. The position was strong by 
nature, situate on a high bank rising from the mar- 
gin of the river, and bounded on two sides by ravines 
running nearly at right angles to the stream. The 
task of preparing it for defence was not a hard one, 
since 'it consisted mainly in connecting the two 
ravines by a breastwork of timbers and palisades, 
and in digging away some parts of the other three 
sides, to render the ascent more steep and difficult. 
About the middle of January, the whole company 
removed to this spot, and established their quarters 
within the lines of the fort. In sympathy with his 
feelings, La Salle named it Fort Crevecceur, Brokoi 
Heart, as a memorial of the sadness he felt at the 
loss of his vessel, which he now deemed almost cer- 
tain, and at the numerous discouragements and dis- 
asters which had hitherto attended his enterprise. 

With his suspicious neighbors at the camp he 
lived on good terms. They gave him no annoyance, 
and visits were sometimes interchanged. Father 

S8 



ROBERT DE LA SALLE 59 

Zenobe took up his residence there, was adopted into 
the family of a noted chief, made some progress in 
learning the language of the natives, and exercised 
among them, as well as he could, his missionary 
calling ; but he confessed that their rude manners and 
mode of living were as much as his philosophy and 
Christian patience could bear. The good Father 
Gabriel remained at the fort, where he erected a 
chapel ; and Hennepin rambled as his fancies moved 
him. 

While one party was busily employed upon the 
fort, another was engaged in preparing timbers and 
planks for building a barque, or brigantine, forty- 
two feet long and twelve broad, with which it was 
intended to prosecute the discoveries on the Missis- 
sippi. The two sawyers had run away; but, after a 
little practice, two other men succeeded very well in 
supplying their place. Trees were burnt into char- 
coal, the smith went to work with his forge and 
hammers, and all hands moved with such alacrity 
and diligence, that in six weeks' time the fort was 
completed, and the vessel's hull stood on the stocks 
nearly ready for her masts and rigging. Planks 
were provided for a parapet around the deck, to ward 
off the arrows and other missiles with which the 
natives might assail them from the banks of the 
river. The men were encouraged, also, by certain 
savages coming from the south, wdio confuted Nika- 
nape's stories about the terrible monsters in the river, 
and who said it was easily navigated, and nowhere 
obstructed either by falls or by rapids. 

It was obvious, however, that with the present 



60 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

means It was impossible to finish the bigantine. 
Cordage, more iron, and other materials for the rig- 
ging, were wanted. All these articles had been put 
on board the Griffin; but La Salle despaired of ever 
again seeing this ship, after the report brought to 
him by Tonty, and since he had not heard from the 
two men whom he sent to Mackinac. With these 
disheartening prospects staring him in the face, he 
came to the hardy resolution of going back himself 
to Fort Frontenac, procuring the necessary supplies, 
and returning with them as soon as possible to Fort 
Crevecceur. 

That the intermediate time might not be lost to 
his grand objects, he planned an expedition of dis- 
covery to the sources of the Mississippi. Above the 
mouth of the Wisconsin, where Father Marquette's 
voyage began, that river had not been explored by 
any European. It is probable that the dreams of 
China and Japan, which he had cherished so fondly, 
still lingered in his imagination, and that he hoped 
to solve a problem of so much interest to the com- 
mercial world. This fatiguing and hazardous enter- 
prise was intrusted to Father Hennepin, whose rest- 
less spirit, courage, and experience of Indian life and 
manners, well fitted him, in many respects, for so 
bold an adventure. On the 29th of February, 1680, 
he departed from Fort Crevecceur in a canoe, accom- 
panied by two Frenchmen, named Picard du Gay 
and Michel Ako, and pursued his course down the 
Illinois River. He was liberally supplied, as he says, 
with goods to exchange with the savages for pro- 
visions, and to conciliate them by presents, and with 



ROBERT DE LA SALLE 6 1 

such Other conveniences for his voyage as could be 
spared. 

La Salle was prepared for his departure, and two 
days afterwards began his journey, with three 
Frenchmen and his Indian hunter. The Chevalier 
de Tonty was left in command of the fort, having 
now under him about sixteen men, besides the two 
missionaries. We may easily imagine the nature of 
La Salle's undertaking, when we reflect that he was 
to travel over land, and on foot, through vast forests 
to Fort Frontenac, a distance of at least twelve hun- 
dred miles by the route he was to take along the 
southern shores of Lake Erie and Lake Ontario, and 
that innumerable rivers were to be forded, and others 
crossed on rafts ; and all this at a season of the year 
when the melting snows and floating ice rendered 
travelling to the last degree fatiguing, and the rivers 
dangerous ; depending wholly on the chase to supply 
provisions for five men, and on their courage and 
address to protect themselves from wandering sav- 
ages. Nothing seemed formidable, however, to his 
strong heart and unbending resolution. Shoulder- 
ing his knapsack and musket, he bade adieu to his 
companions, and set his face towards Canada. 

Following an Indian path near the bank of the 
river, he arrived on the nth of March at the great 
village where he had found the corn. Some of the 
natives had already returned from their camp and 
hunting-grounds to their summer residence in this 
place, and among them the pious and persevering 
Father Zenobe, who hoped to tame their wild spirits 
and win them to a better life by his well-timed in- 



62 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

struction and the persuasive eloquence of his exam- 
ple. Not far from this village La Salle discovered 
a spot, with which he was charmed, as affording an 
admirable position for a fort. It was a high, rocky 
eminence, rising abruptly from the river, and so steep 
as to be ascended with great difficulty, except on one 
side, and level at the top. He sent a message to 
Tonty, requesting him to come up with some of his 
men, and erect a fortification on this rock during his 
absence. The work was afterwards executed, and 
occupied as a stronghold by the French for several 
years. It was called Fort St. Louis. 

La Salle stayed but twenty-four hours at the 
village, and the next day, at some distance up the 
river, he met the two men who had gone by his or- 
ders from the Miamis River to Mackinac. They 
could give no account of the GriiJin. He told them 
to join their comrades at Fort Crevecoeur, and then 
hastened forward on his journey. 

As soon as the Chevalier de Tonty received the 
orders of his commander, he repaired immediately, 
with some of his men, to the place designed for the 
new fort, and began to mark out the lines and pre- 
pare for the work. In a short time, however, news 
came that the men at Fort Crevecoeur were in a state 
of insubordination, and that his presence was re- 
quired there as soon as possible. When he arrived, 
it was ascertained that the two men lately returned 
from Mackinac, who had doubtless been tampered 
with by La Salle's enemies during their absence, had 
stirred up some of the others to revolt. More than 
half of the whole party had deserted, carrying with 



ROBERT DE LA SALLE 63 

them such arms, goods, and provisions, as they could 
take away. Two of them, while ascending the river 
in a canoe with Father Gabriel to join the Chevalier 
de Tonty, contrived to injure the muskets of the 
Sieur de Boisrondet and another person, not in the 
conspiracy, so that they would not take fire, and then 
made their escape. The deserters appointed their 
place of rendezvous at Fort Miamis, where they de- 
molished the fort, and plundered whatsoever they 
could find, and then went to Mackinac, and seized the 
furs and peltries, which had been left in deposit by 
La Salle as a part of the Griffin's cargo. 

Tonty, being destitute of succor and of the means 
of providing them even for the small remnant of his 
party now remaining, retired to the great village of 
the Illinois, and took up his quarters among the na- 
tives, intending to wait there for the return of La 
Salle with a reinforcement and supplies. He had 
the good fortune to gain the favor and confidence of 
the Indians, and spent the summer in attempting to 
teach them the use of firearms and military manoeu- 
vres, which at least served to amuse and keep them 
in good-humor. When an alarm was raised by a 
rumor that a combined attack was about to be made 
by the Miamies and Iroquois, he prevailed on them to 
build a little fort, and surround it with intrench- 
ments; for it seems, that, although numerous, they 
were not a warlike people, it being their custom, 
whenever an enemy approached with a large force, 
to desert their habitations, wander to the westward, 
and join their allies, sometimes across the Missis- 
sippi. 



64 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

In the meantime, the missionaries apphed them- 
seh'es with zeal to the labors of their calling. 
Father Gabriel was adopted into the family of a 
chief, where he was treated in all respects as one of 
their own number. Zenobe made such progress in 
acquiring the language, as enabled him to converse 
in it with tolerable ease. He visited other Illinois 
villages, and even the Miamies, among whom Mar- 
quette had resided for some time five or six years 
before. But in his narrative Father Zenobe speaks 
despondingly of the prospect of communicating to 
these savages the doctrines and precepts of Chris- 
tianity, or of producing any change in their manners. 
He represents them as addicted to gross vices, pas- 
sionate, thievish, indolent, superstitious, and as yield- 
ing but a very slight obedience to their chiefs. Some 
of them were docile, and listened attentively to the 
instructions of the missionaries; but the good 
Fathers could not satisfy themselves that they had 
made the least impression. One of the principal con- 
verts, a man of note among them, being attacked by 
some disease, put himself under the discipline of 
the conjurers, in whose hands he died, thus showing 
the little confidence he possessed in his new faith. 

At all events, neither Tonty nor any of his party 
had reason to complain of a want of hospitality or 
kind treatment in these untutored Illinois, during 
their residence of six months in the great village. 
At length, in the early part of September, an Indian 
belonging to a friendly tribe came to the village, and 
reported that he had discovered an army of Iroquois 
and Miamies, to the number of four or five hundred 



ROBERT DE LA SALLE 65 

men, who had already advanced into the territory of 
the IlHnois. This intelhgence, so unexpected, pro- 
duced the greatest consternation. A few persons 
were deputed to reconnoitre, who soon came back 
and confirmed the report, adding that La Salle him- 
self was in the enemy's camp, whom they recognized 
by his hat and European dress. A loud clamor was 
immediately raised against the French, who were 
accused of being deceivers and traitors, and the rab- 
ble cried out that those in the village ought to be put 
to death without a moment's delay. 

It required all the presence of mind and firmness 
which the Chevalier de Tonty could command to 
appease this tempest of rage and avert the blow. He 
used such arguments as he could in his defence, and, 
to prove his sincerity, offered to join the Illinois with 
his companions in an attack on the enemy. It turned 
out that the man taken for La Salle was an Iroquois 
chief, who had adorned his person with a hat and 
Canadian jacket. 

It was unfortunate that at this time a large num- 
ber of the young Illinois warriors was absent, but, as 
no time was to be lost, those in the village, accom- 
panied by the Frenchmen, marched out to meet the 
enemy. They put on an air of courage at first, and 
skirmished with an advanced party ; but Tonty soon 
discovered that his allies would not be able to stand 
their ground against so large a force. As a last 
hope, therefore, he proposed to go to the Iroquois as 
a mediator, and endeavor to bring about a reconcilia- 
tion and peace, to which they assented, and gave him 
the powers of a negotiator. Attended by Father 

A. B., VOL. I. — 5 



66 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

Zenobe, and laying aside his arms, he approached the 
camp of the Iroquois with a calumet in his hand, and 
called out for a parley. The Iroquois themselves 
had begun to waver a little, as to the probable issue 
of a battle, for they had expected to come upon the 
Illinois by surprise in their village, whereas these had 
been enabled to rally their warriors and prepare for 
defence. Nor could the Iroquois judge of the num- 
bers of the opposing army. 

In this state of uncertainty, some of the leaders 
were willing to hear what could be said in favor of 
peace. Tonty and Zenobe were admitted into the 
camp ; but the young men, not approving any terms 
of peace, surrounded the mediators, and, with violent 
gestures and language, seemed on the point of put- 
ting them to instant death. A young warrior thrust 
a knife at Tonty, which would have pierced him to 
the heart, if it had not been turned aside by one of 
his ribs. The wound bled profusely. At this mo- 
ment, a chief rushed forward, who, perceiving that 
his ears were not bored, cried out that he was a 
Frenchman, and must not be killed, and endeavored 
to stop the blood by applying a belt of wampum as 
a bandage to the wound. 

At the same time, another warrior seized Tonty's 
hat, and, placing it upon the end of his musket, ran 
towards the Illinois, who inferred from this signal 
that their messengers of peace had been murdered, 
and, enraged at such perfidy, they were about to 
renew the conflict with all their might, and wreak 
their vengeance on so faithless a foe. They were un- 
deceived, however, in time to prevent this rash step. 



ROBERT DE LA SALLE 67 

The Iroquois accepted the calumet, promised peace, 
and made a show of retiring; but, having discovered 
that the IlHnois were not so strong as they had sup- 
posed, they soon appeared again near the village. 

Father Zenobe now consented to go alone among 
them, and inquire the reason of their return. They 
received him with civility and kindness, and told him 
that they did not intend to violate the treaty or do 
any harm, but they were hungry, and must have 
food. The Illinois, taking this in good part, supplied 
them with such provisions as they wanted, and pro- 
posed to open a trade with them for furs and skins. 
For two or three days, there was a sort of intercourse 
between the two parties on the footing of friendship, 
and Father Zenobe and one of his Illinois friends 
slept very quietly one night in the Iroquois camp. It 
was soon apparent, nevertheless, that all these pre- 
tensions were hollow and treacherous. The Iroquois 
prowled about the village, committed depredations, 
and took such liberties as proved that they were only 
seeking a quarrel under the garb of peace. 

The Illinois themselves had not been free from 
suspicion, and they prepared for the worst. The old 
men, women, and children, had retired to the interior 
of the country, and the inhabitants of the other vil- 
lages were advised to retreat, and leave nothing be- 
hind for the enemy to plunder. The warriors began 
to disperse one after another, and Tonty was left 
with Fathers Gabriel and Zenobe. Boisrondet, and 
two other Frenchmen, without hope of support or 
aid from any quarter. Considering the part he had 
acted, he must necessarily be looked upon as an 



68 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

enemy by the Iroquois, and in this delicate situation 
he had but one course to pursue. He and his five 
companions betook themselves to an old and leaky 
canoe, and, on the i8th of September, departed from 
the great village of the Illinois, without provisions 
or supplies of any kind, and made the best speed 
they could up the river. 



CHAPTER VI 

Tonty escapes with his Party to Green Bay. — Father Gabriel 
murdered by the Savages. — La Salle arrives at Fort Fron- 
tenac. — State of his Affairs. — Prepares for another Expedi- 
tion. — Returns to the Illinois Country, and spends the Winter 
there. — Meets Tonty and his Party at Mackinac. 

The next day, when they were about twenty-four 
mile.s from the village, the canoe ran upon a rock, 
and it was dragged ashore for repairs. While this 
was being done, the pleasant scenery and open 
woodlands tempted Father Gabriel de la Ribourde 
to walk on the bank of the river. He stayed away 
so long that his companions became uneasy, and as 
soon as the canoe was finished, they all went to 
search for him, calling, firing their guns, and look- 
ing in every direction till dark. They had seen 
paths recently trodden by human footsteps, and it 
was deemed prudent for safety to cross the river, 
and pass the night on the other side, since there were 
reasons for apprehending that the Iroquois might 
pursue them, with a design to waylay and cut 
them off. 

At the dawn of day the next morning, they 
crossed the river again to the same place, and re- 
newed their search, which was continued till three 
o'clock in the afternoon, when, nothing having been 
seen or heard of the venerable missionary, they 

69 



70 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

entered the canoe with heavy hearts, and moved 
slowly along near the shore, looking anxiously at 
every opening in the wood and jutting point of land, 
with the hope that he might have strolled up the 
river farther than he was aware at the time, and 
had waited their arrival. They never saw him 
more. Delay would have subjected the whole party 
to the greatest danger, as it was evident that 
Indians had recently been at the place, and it could 
not be doubted that they would all be killed if they 
were overtaken by the Iroquois. 

As events proved, it would have been useless to 
remain longer. The tragical end of Father Gabriel 
was not known till some time afterwards, when the 
particulars were related by the Indians. It hap- 
pened that, just before this time, the Kickapoos, a 
tribe inhabiting the central parts of the Wisconsin 
territory, had sent out a party of warriors to fight 
the Iroquois, of whose advance westward they had 
heard. This party was encamped not far from the 
place where Tonty landed, and on that day three 
young warriors from the camp were scouting near 
the river. They accidentally met Father Gabriel in 
his walk, and killed him, in cold blood, with a war- 
club, although they knew he was not an Iroquois. 
It was an act of savage barbarity and deliberate 
murder. They took off his scalp, and carried it 
away as a trophy, seizing likewise his Breviary and 
Prayer Book, which afterwards fell into the hands 
of a Jesuit missionary. 

Thus perished a man whose character is extolled 
by all the writers that mention his death. In Eu- 



ROBERT DE LA SALLE 71 

rope, he had held responsible offices in the church, 
and he was for some time at the head of the Recollet 
mission in Canada; eminent for his virtues, piety, 
and those rare qualities which bear up the spirit with 
equanimity and cheerfulness under the heaviest 
trials. Charlevoix says he died at the advanced age 
of seventy-one. He had been ten years in America, 
ardently devoted to the cause to which he had con- 
secrated his life, spending his days and nights in 
the cabins of savages, domesticating himself in their 
families, submitting without a murmur to the hard- 
ships he endured, and waiting patiently for the 
blessing of Heaven to convert the fruit of his toils 
to the spiritual well-being of these benighted chil- 
dren of nature. 

Indeed, there are few examples in the history of 
mankind more worthy of admiration and profound 
respect than those of the Catholic missionaries in 
Canada. With a singleness of heart, a self-sacri- 
fice, and constancy of purpose, to which a parallel 
can scarcely be found, casting behind them the com- 
forts of civilized life, deprived of the solaces of 
society and the sympathy of friends, and surrounded 
by dangers and discouragements on every side, they 
exhausted their energies in a work for which they 
could not hope for any other reward than the con- 
sciousness of having done a great duty, approved in 
the sight of God, as designed to enlighten the moral 
and mental darkness of a degraded race of human 
beings. Some of them were murdered, some were 
cruelly tortured, but these appalling barbarities did 
not shake the constancy of others, nor deter them 



72 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

from closing up the ranks thus fearfully broken. 
We need not look to the end, nor inquire for the 
results ; motives are the test of merit ; and humanity 
can claim no higher honor than that such examples 
have existed.* 

Having despaired of meeting their venerable 
friend, the voyagers pursued their course up the 
river with dejected spirits, and much distressed by 
the want of food. The water broke into their shat- 
tered canoe so fast that they were obliged to leave 
it behind and perform the journey by land, a dis- 
tance of more than two hundred miles, to the nearest 
village of the Pottawatimies, subsisting on ground 
nuts, wild garlic, and such roots as chance threw in 
their way. The snow began to fall, and the ice to 
form. Their lacerated feet were poorly protected 
by moccasins made of Father Gabriel's mantle of 
skins. Without a compass or path to guide them 
through the woods, they wandered up and down at 
random, and advanced slowly towards their jour- 
ney's end; nor was it till after fifteen days' march 
that their hunger was appeased by the flesh of a 
deer, which they had the good fortune to kill. 

*A spirited sketch of the labors and sufferings of the early 
missionaries in Canada may be seen in the third volume of 
Bancroft's " History of the United States." 

Hennepin, in the closing chapters of his " Nouvelle De- 
couvertc," has narrated the incidents of Father Gabriel's death, 
and the preceding events of the Iroquois war. His facts are 
drawn from the letters of Father Zenobe. or from the abstract 
published by Le Clercq, with such embellishments as are always 
ready at the call of his prolific imagination. He censures 
Tonty, apparently without justice, for having deserted Father 
Gabriel ; but Zenobe, who was present, passes no such cen- 
sure, though he endeavored to prevail on Tonty to remain some 
time longer. 



ROBERT DE LA SALLE 73 

The Sieur de Boisrondet lost himself In the for- 
ests, and for ten days his companions supposed him 
to be dead. He had a musket, but neither balls nor 
flint. Necessity spurred his invention, and he con- 
trived to melt a pewter dish into balls, and to fire 
his gun by the touch of a live coal. In this way he 
shot wild turkeys, upon which he subsisted. 

They finally all reached the village of the Potta- 
watimies, borne down with fatigue and exhaustion. 
They were kindly received, and entertained with a 
generous hospitality. These Indians had traded 
with the French, and regarded them as friends. 
The principal chief addressed them in a flattering 
speech. He was accustomed to say that he knew 
of but three great captains in the world, Frontenac, 
La Salle, and himself. Tonty had dragged his 
emaciated frame with difficulty to the village, where 
he was taken dangerously ill, and was obliged to 
remain till his recovery. Father Zenobe went for- 
ward to the missionary station at Green Bay. At 
this place they all assembled in the Spring, and pro- 
ceeded to Mackinac, where they intended to wait 
till they should hear from their commander. 

Let us now return to the Sieur de la Salle. No 
record has been preserved of the incidents of his 
long and perilous journey through the wilderness 
from the Illinois to the St. Lawrence. He arrived 
safely at Fort Frontenac, where he found his 
affairs in a state of deplorable confusion. The 
Griffin, with her cargo, valued at twelve thousand 
dollars, had been lost ; his agents had despoiled him 
of the profits of the trade, in which he had several 



74 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

boats and canoes embarked in Lake Ontario ; a ves- 
sel charged with merchandise for him to a large 
amount had been cast away in the Bay of St Law- 
rence ; his canoes, heavily laden, had been dashed in 
pieces while ascending the rapids above Montreal; 
some of his men, seduced by the wicked machina- 
tions of his enemies, had stolen his goods, and run 
away with them to the Dutch in New York; and, 
to crown all, his creditors, taking advantage of a 
rumor, maliciously circulated, that he and his whole 
party were drowned on their voyage up the lakes, 
had seized upon his remaining effects, and wasted 
them by forced sales. In short, being deserted by 
fortune, all Canada seemed to conspire against his 
enterprise. 

A less resolute heart would have shrunk from 
such obstacles and abandoned an object apparently 
so hopeless and unattainable ; but despair was never 
known to settle upon the mind of La Salle. He 
had one friend left, the Count de Frontenac, whose 
influence and authority were exerted in his favor. 
The plan of navigating the Mississippi in a boat 
with rigging and sails was given up, and he resolved 
to prosecute his discoveries with canoes. 

Having engaged more men, and among them La 
Forest as an officer, and such an arrangement of 
his affairs being made as circumstances would per- 
mit, he departed from Fort Frontenac on the 23d 
of Jnly, 1680. Head winds detained him more 
than a month in Lake Ontario, and he did not reach 
Mackinac till the middle of September. Three 
weeks were here consumed in a vain attempt to 



ROBERT DE LA SALLE 75 

traffic for Indian corn, which neither money nor 
goods would purchase. It was known that he had 
brandy; and when this was offered, the trade be- 
came so brisk, that sixty sacks of corn were brought 
to him in a single day. With this supply he em- 
barked for Lake Michigan, and near the end of 
November the canoes were moored in the mouth of 
the Miamis River. 

We have already seen that the fort erected at this 
place the year before had been plundered and 
thrown down by the deserters from Fort Crevecoeur. 
A few men were left here, but La Salle pursued his 
journey without delay to the Illinois, where he was 
surprised to find the great village burnt and deso- 
late ; for he had heard nothing of the Iroquois war, 
or of the disasters that had befallen Tonty and his 
party. The hill upon which he had ordered a fort 
to be built stood bare and lonely, without any vestige 
of human labor at its top ; a proof that the French- 
men had either been killed or dispersed. This as- 
pect of things seems to have discouraged him from 
going down the river till he could gain further intel- 
ligence. He returned to the Miamis River, and 
spent the winter in visiting the Indian tribes near 
Lake Michigan. 

At a village of the Outtagamies he met with some 
of the vagrant Illinois, who told him the story of 
the war, and of the calamities their nation had suf- 
fered ; but they could give no account of the French- 
men. He was informed that nearly all the inhabi- 
tants of seventeen Illinois villages had crossed the 
Mississippi, and sought safety among the Osages. 



'J^ AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

In the late incursion, the Miamis had sided with 
the Iroquois, and it was the effort of La Salle to 
break the bond of this connection, and to unite in 
an alliance all the neighboring tribes in that region 
against so formidable an enemy, who had no good- 
will for any of them, whose policy was to divide 
and conquer, and who, by sowing dissensions 
among them, designed only to subdue them all in 
detail, and then to plunder and destroy their towns. 
He sent a message likewise to the Illinois, advising 
them to commit no hostilities against the Miamis, 
but to join in this league of peace and self-defence. 
All parties listened with apparent acquiescence to his 
counsels; and, whatever may have been the result, 
it was evidently the most politic scheme he could 
adopt, for his future operations would be obstructed, 
perhaps defeated, by hostilities between the tribes 
through which he must pass. 

It being impossible to execute his plan with the 
small force now under his command, it was neces- 
sary again to seek new recruits and resources in 
Canada. Towards the end of May, 1681, he left 
the Miamis River, and, after a prosperous voyage, 
entered the harbor of Mackinac about the middle of 
June. We need not describe the joy that was mutu- 
ally felt, when Tonty and his companions here met 
their commander. They recounted to each other 
the strange events, disasters, and dangers, that had 
thronged around them since their separation, and 
La Salle, in particular, set before them, in melan- 
choly array, the dark catalogue of misfortunes and 
disappointments which had assailed him at every 



ROBERT DE LA SALLE 77 

step ; yet, says Father Zenobe, with all the calmness 
and indifference of a man who relates only ordinary 
occurrences, and with the same tone of firmness and 
self-reliance, of hope and confidence in the future, 
that he had expressed at the beginning of his enter- 
prise. The experience, which he had so dearly 
bought, seemed only to impart a new impulse to his 
resolution and ardor. 

As there was no occasion for delay at this place, 
they all embarked in a few days for Fort Frontenac. 



CHAPTER VII 

Hennepin's Voyage up the Mississippi. — His pretended Dis- 
covery of the Mouth of that River. — Grounds for disbelieving 
his Account. — Sources whence he drew his Materials. 

We will now interrupt the thread of our narrative 
to say a word of Father Hennepin, whom we left 
with his two Frenchmen, Picard du Gay and Michel 
Ako, in a canoe at Fort Crevecceur, departing on a 
vo3^age of discovery. His instructions from the Sieur 
de la Salle were that he should ascend the Mississippi 
and explore the sources of that river. 

On the seventh day, he found himself at the mouth 
of the Illinois, and, after waiting a short time for the 
Mississippi to become clear of floating ice, he turned 
his course northward. No incident worthy of re- 
mark is related till the nth of April, when he was 
somewhere in the vicinity of the Wisconsin, prob- 
ably above the mouth of that river. Here he was 
surprised by the sudden appearance of a large body 
of natives, in thirty-three canoes, who came fiercely 
down upon him, and took him and his two men pris- 
oners. They were treated rudely at first, and some 
of their goods were seized; but the caluiuet was 
smoked the next day, and from that time they appear 
to have met with as good usage as the savages were 
accustomed to bestow upon uninvited guests. They 
all returned up the river, and in nineteen days the 

78 



ROBERT DE LA SALLE 79 

grand cataract opened upon their sight, now seen for 
the first time by European eyes, and named by Hen- 
nepin, in honor of his patron saint, the Falls of St. 
Anthony. Proceeding thence by land about one hun- 
dred and eighty miles up the River St. Francis, 
which was likewise named by him in honor of the 
patron saint of his Order, they came to the villages 
inhabited by these Indians, whom he calls the Issati 
and Nadouessioux, since known as the Sioux. 

Many adventures are related as having happened 
during his residence with these wild tribes, showing 
their manners and habits of life. He speaks of him- 
self and his comrades as being in captivity, but he 
does not inform us wherein their liberty was re- 
strained. He was permitted to be absent for several 
weeks with one of his men, on a voyage down the 
river to the Wisconsin, and Picard was allowed to 
retain his sword, pistols, and powder. There is no 
evidence that they could not have gone away when 
they pleased, at least after the first few days of their 
captivity; nor complaint that they were deprived of 
food or raiment, or compelled to endure greater 
hardships than the Indians themselves. They re- 
mained in the villages, and in wandering with the 
savages, about three months, when they were agree- 
ably surprised by meeting a party of five French- 
men, under the command of the Sieur du Luth, who 
had come into the country by way of Lake Superior. 
Du Luth was a man of courage and enterprise, who 
had penetrated these remote regions for the purpose 
rather of trade than of discovery. He prevailed on 
Hennepin, Picard, and Ako, to go with him to the 



8o AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

villages, where they all stayed till near the end of 
September, 1680; and then they set off together on 
their return to Canada, being nine persons in com- 
pany. 

Descending the Mississippi to the Wisconsin, they 
took the route, that was then well-known, up the 
Wisconsin and down the Fox River to Green Bay, 
and arrived at Mackinac in the early part of Novem- 
ber, about eight months from the date of Hennepin's 
departure from Fort Crevecoeur. If they had arrived 
a few weeks earlier, they would have met the Sieur 
de la Salle at Mackinac, on his way to the Illinois 
country. Hennepin went to Quebec and sailed for 
France, where he published, three or four years 
afterwards, an account of his travels and discoveries, 
under the title of a " Description of Louisiana." * 

Such is the substance of his narrative, as contained 
in this first work. It is singularly deficient in geo- 
graphical facts, though it abounds with curious in- 
cidents and descriptions, somewhat confusedly put 
together. His discoveries were limited to the space 
on the Mississippi and St. Francis between the Wis- 
consin and the Issati villages, for Marquette had 
passed over his track below the Wisconsin. This 
was all he pretended to have done in his first narra- 
tive, and his map of the Mississippi extends no 
farther down than the mouth of the Illinois. 

Although it was evident, from the book itself, that 

* This work was written and printed some time before its 
publication. The license is dated September loth, 1682 ; the 
printing was completed January 5tb, 1683 ; and, in his preface 
to the " Nouvclle Decouverte," he says it was published in 
1684, though some copies bear the date of the year preceding. 



ROBERT DE LA SALLE 61 

the author was endowed with a Hvely imagination, 
and entertained exalted ideas of the great things he 
had accomphshed, yet, as he had really shown him- 
self a man of courage and persevering resolution, the 
world seemed disposed to allow him credit for sin- 
cerity and general accuracy, except in his estimate 
of the Falls of Niagara, which he represents to be 
six hundred feet high. And, after all, this might be 
an error of judgment, for he does not pretend to have 
measured the height, although he passed a winter 
within the sound of the cataract. 

Thirteen years after the first appearance of this 
work, and ten years after the death of La Salle, he 
published another at Utrecht and Amsterdam, with 
the pompous title of a " New Discovery of a Vast 
Country situated in America, between New Mexico 
and the Frozen Ocean." In this publication is em- 
bodied the whole of the former, written anew and 
much enlarged. This might well be done from the 
author's notes and recollections. But the most re- 
makable addition is that in which he pretends to have 
descended to the mouth of the Mississippi, and to 
have been the first discoverer of that river, giving 
the particulars of the voyage, as to dates, distances, 
the names of Indian tribes, and natural scenery, 
which, it was supposed, could not be known except 
from actual experience and observation. Men were 
astonished at this new revelation, after the secret had 
been locked up for seventeen years in the bosom of a 
man who had never before been suspected of hiding 
his light under a bushel or of veiling his achieve- 
ments from the public eye. 

A. B., VOL. I. — 6 



82 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

In his first narrative, he says, " We had some de- 
sign of descending to the mouth of the River Col- 
bert, which probably discharges itself rather into 
the Gulf of Mexico than into the Vermilion Sea ; but 
the nations who took us prisoners would not allow 
us time to navigate this river both up and down." * 
After this gratuitous declaration, it is no wonder 
that his readers should have been surprised at his de- 
tailed account of a voyage which he had said he 
could not perform. Nor was this surprise lessened 
by further examination. The voyage is interpolated 
into the original narrative, and the time assigned 
for it is so short as to astound the faith of the most 
credulous. He takes but forty-one days to descend 
from the Illinois to the Gulf of Mexico and to return, 
a distance, up and down, of two thousand, seven 
hundred miles, and this in a canoe paddled by two 
men; whereas the trading boats on the Mississippi, 
with oars and sails, were considered long afterwards 
as having made an expeditious voyage in ascending 
from New Orleans to St. Louis in seventy days.f 
According to his own statement, the average distance 
passed over by his canoe, from the time he left the 
Illinois River till he returned to it, must have been 
at least sixty-five miles a day.;}: 

* "Description de la Louisiane," p. 218. At the time of La 
Salle's discovery, the Mississippi was called Colbert by the 
French, after the great minister ; and the name of Scignclay, 
his son, was given to the Illinois. 

t Stoddard's " Louisiana," p. 18. 

\ Moreover there is a conflict of dates, which defies every 
attempt at reconciliation. He sets out from the Gulf of Mex- 
ico on the 1st of April, is at the Arkansas River on the 9th, 
and at the Illinois on the 24th ; but in his first account he reprc- 



ROBERT DE LA SALLE 83 

The suspicions of the author's veracity, which 
could not but spring from these circumstances, were 
strengthened by others. In the preface to his " New 
Discovery," he affirmed that he hved in America 
eleven years, whereas the whole time of his residence 
there was less than five years. He also declares that 
Joliet assured him that he had never been further 
west than the Hurons and Ottaways, who dwelt in 
the neighborhood of Green Bay ; * but he had before 
written that Joliet descended the Mississippi as far 
as the Illinois. t In the preface to his third work, he 
says, in round terms, that he was " the first Euro- 
pean who discovered the course of the Mississippi ; " 
and again he repeats, " I was the first European who 
navigated that river," $ although he had learned 
from Joliet himself the particulars of his voyage to 
the Arkansas, performed seven years before the river 
was seen by Hennepin, while the interesting narra- 
tive of that voyage by Marquette had been a long 
time published. Nor was it possible that these as- 
sertions should be mere slips of the pen or of mem- 
ory. The motive for making them was obvious, and 
could by no means redound to the author's credit or 
honor. 

He assigns reasons, however, for withholding his 
secret so long, and for not divulging it during the 

sents himself as having been captured by the Issati Indians 
nea*- the Wisconsin on the nth of the same month, and, in 
his second account, on the 12th. To have altered this last date 
essentially would have marred all that followed, but, as it 
stands, it equally unsettles all that preceded. 

* " Nouvelle Decouverte," Chap. XL. 

t " Description de la Louisiane," p. 13. 

t " Nouveau Voyage," Chap. IIL 



84 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

lifetime of the Sieur de la Salle, whom he represents 
as so eager for the glory of discovering the mouth of 
the Mississippi, that his anger would never cease to 
burn, if it were known to him that he had been an- 
ticipated by one of his own party, in violation of his 
orders. He tells us, also, that La Salle was his 
enemy. In adducing proofs, he goes far back, and 
relates a circumstance which happened while they 
were crossing the Atlantic together from France to 
Canada. A joyous company of girls on board 
sought to wear away the tediousness of the voyage, 
and enliven the spirits of the passengers, by the 
amusement of dancing. This was more than the 
grave and scrupulous Recollet could endure, and he 
took occasion to reprimand the young damsels and 
check their hilarity. La Salle interposed, and said 
there was no harm in dancing, and that the mission- 
ary had overstepped the bounds of his authority. 
Warm words ensued, and we are called upon to be- 
lieve that, by this frivolous incident, a root of bitter- 
ness was planted in his bosom, which was never 
eradicated.* 

Again he recurs to a conversation between him 
and La Salle at Fort Frontenac concerning the Mines 
of St. Barbe in Mexico, of which the latter expressed 
a hope of some day gaining possession. The 

* This story is told in the preface to the " New Discovery." 
A small part only of this curious preface is printed in the 
Knglish translation. Indeed, the English version of the whole 
linok is wretched, both in the matter and style. The " Nou- 
vclle Decouverte," and " Nouveau Voyage," are both contained 
in the " Recueil de Voyages au Nord," (Vols. V. IX.,) but 
the prefaces and dedications are omitted, and <ilso more than 
three chapters at the end of the " Nouveau Voyage." 



ROBERT DE LA SALLE 85 

patriotic Recollet talked coldly of such a scheme, be- 
cause he was a good subject of the King of Spain. 
By this indication of loyalty, according to his repre- 
sentation, the heart of his commander was turned 
against him. 

In addition to tales like these, we have an insinua- 
tion that he had been exposed to unnecessary dan- 
gers. What can be more absurd than these trivial 
pretences? Deception is stamped on the face of 
them. By his own choice, La Salle had retained him 
at Fort Frontenac, invited him to take part in the 
expedition, and confided to him the enterprise to the 
Upper Mississippi. These acts are not proofs of en- 
mity, but of friendship and confidence. Yet such 
are the reasons given, if reasons they can be called, 
for so long keeping out of sight this boasted dis- 
covery. 

The blame for a disobedience of orders he threw 
upon his two men, Picard du Gay and Ako. He 
describes as follows the state of his mind and his 
resolutions when he was deliberating what course to 
take at the mouth of the Illinois River. 

" I am now determined to make known to the 
whole world the mystery of this discovery, which I 
have hitherto concealed, that I might not give vexa- 
tion to the Sieur de la Salle, who was ambitious to 
secure to himself alone the glory and the knowledge 
of it. For this reason, he sacrificed many persons, 
whom he exposed to dangers to prevent them from 
publishing what they had seen, and thereby crossing 
his secret designs. I was fully persuaded that, if I 
went down the Mississippi, he would traduce me to 



86 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

my superiors, because I did not pursue the route to 
the north, which I ought to have done in obedience 
to his directions, and according to the plan we had 
agreed upon together. But, on the other hand, I 
saw myself about to perish with hunger, and knew 
not what to do, as the two men who accompanied 
me threatened openly to go off in the night, and 
take with them the canoe and all its contents, if I 
refused to descend the river to the nations inhabiting 
its banks below. Surrounded by these embarrass- 
ments, I could hesitate no longer, and I thought it 
my duty to prefer my own safety to the violent pas- 
sion which the Sieur de la Salle had conceived of 
enjoying alone the glory of this discovery. The two 
men, seeing me resolved to follow them, promised 
entire fidelity. After we had shaken hands as a 
mutual pledge, we embarked on our voyage." * 

By this statement he would have it believed that 
the voyage was accidental on his part, and that he 
was compelled to undertake it against his will by 
the obstinacy of his two men; and no other motive 
is assigned than that of procuring food to keep them 
from starving. Was not this end to be answered 
just as well by going up the river as down? When 
they afterwards ascended the river above the Illinois, 
we hear no complaint of a want of provisions. In 
fact, the whole paragraph is anything but a fair and 
ingenuous explanation of his conduct. He might 
well have had some qualms of conscience in the mat- 
ter, for, besides a violation of trust and disobedience 
of orders, the canoe was laden with merchandise 
* " Nouvelle Decouverte," Chap. XXXVII. 



ROBERT DE LA SALLE 8/ 

which belonged to La Salle, designed for conciliat- 
ing the Indians by presents, and for procuring neces- 
sary supplies.* 

It has been asked where Hennepin found materials 
for his account of a voyage which never existed ex- 
cept in his imagination. Some have supposed that he 
drew them from the book ascribed to Tonty, which 
appeared at the beginning of the year in which the 
" New Discovery " was published, and might there- 
fore have been in the hands of the author early 
enough for such a use. For the descriptions of nat- 
ural scenery, as far as the Arkansas River, he might 
have helped himself from Marquette. It is true 
enough that the agreement with Tonty, in many 
parts, is too close to have been the result of accident, 
and it is remarkable that the Recollet and his two 
men should encounter so many events, which hap- 
pened precisely in the same manner, and at the same 
places, two years afterwards, to the Sieur de la Salle 
and his party; and these events of a kind which' 
would never be likely to happen but once anywhere. 
But there is no occasion to pursue this inquiry, for 
the problem can be solved by a more direct and cer- 
tain process. 

Le Clercq's account of the missionary proceedings 
in Canada was published in 1691, six years before 
Hennepin's revelation of his new discovery. The 

* It is singular that Charlevoix should represent Hennepin's 
voyage down the Mississippi to have taken place after he had 
heen at the Falls of St. Anthony. (" Hist, de la Nouv. 
France," Chap. X.) It shows with how little attention the his- 
torian perused the volumes of the ambitious Recollet. The 
Jesuits, to whose body Charlevoix belonged, were more fortu- 
nate in his hands. 



88 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

work contains a pretty full narrative of La Salle's 
voyage down the Mississippi, which the author pro- 
fesses to compile from the letters of Father Zenobe, 
and for the most part in his own words. Zenobe was 
of the expedition, and described it in letters to the 
Bishop of Quebec, of which Le Clercq procured 
copies. Now, whoever will make the comparison 
will find that Hennepin has not only taken the frame- 
work of his narrative from Le Clercq, but has appro- 
priated whole paragraphs, with very slight verbal 
alterations, contenting himself with changing the 
dates to suit the occasion. It is possible that he may 
have had access to a copy of Zenobe's letters on this 
subject, as he speaks, in another part of his work, of 
having seen his previous letters describing the Iro- 
quois war and Tonty's adventures ; but, if we admit 
this possibility, it does not alter the nature of the 
case, nor weaken the charge of piracy and fabrica- 
tion. These facts, added to others, are perfectly 
conclusive, and must convict Father Hennepin of 
having palmed upon the world a pretended discovery 
and a fictitious narrative. It is no other than a de- 
scription of the voyage of La Salle, vamped up in a 
new and deceptive dress, and adorned by such inter- 
vening incidents as a fertile invention could easily 
supply.* 

* Parallel passages from Le Clercq and Hennepin bear out 
the above statement. Le Clercq's two volumes are very rare. 
The circulation of the work is said to have been suppressed by 
the French government, for some political reason, soon after 
it was published. Coxe's " Carolana," p. ii8. 

The first eight chapters of Hennepin's third work, the " Nou- 
veau Voyage," contain an account of La Salle's last voyage, 
travels in Texas, and death. This account is likewise closely 



ROBERT DE LA SALLE 89 

Notwithstanding this gross imposition, we must 
allow him justice on other points. There seems no 
good reason to doubt the general accuracy of his 
first book, nor of his second, previous to his de- 
parture from Fort Crevecoeur. Where his personal 
ambition and glory are not concerned, he may prob- 
ably be relied on ; but, unfortunately, these too often 
obtrude themselves upon the reader's notice. He 
was one of that restless and aspiring class of men 
who are unhappy at the thought of another's fame 
or success, looking upon themselves as entitled to a 
monopoly of these distinctions. Jealous of rivals, 
and distrustful of friends, he was always prying into 
hidden motives, and his wayward temper drove him 
into troubles, which would have been shunned by a 
mind of more repose. His descriptions of Indian 
manners and life are skilfully drawn, and are valu- 
able as being the results of much experience and 
observation ; and in the marvellous he deals less than 
many of the writers of his time, who are allowed the 
credit of fidelity and truth. 

copied from Le Clercq, who acknowledges himself indebted for 
his materials to the letters of Father Anastase, a missionary 
in that expedition. Hennepin acknowledges the same, but in 
many parts he copies the reflections and remarks of Le Clercq, 
which shows that he used Le Clercq's printed book, instead of 
Anastase's letters ; and yet he gives no credit. 



CHAPTER VIII 

La Salle begins his Voyage down the Mississippi. — Intercourse 
with various Indian Nations on the Banks of the River. — 
Arrives at its Mouth, and takes Possession of the Country. 
— Returns to the Illinois, and thence to France. 

When the Sieur de la Salle arrived at Fort Fron- 
tenac with the remnants of his company, as hereto- 
fore related, he immediately began to prepare for 
another expedition, determined to proceed with as 
little delay as possible to the Mississippi. It was 
his first object to recruit his forces, and he took into 
his service a company of Frenchmen, and also a 
number of eastern Indians, Abenakis, and Loups 
or Mahingans, as the^ are called by the French 
writers. He also adjusted the difficulties with his 
creditors, either by payment or satisfactory security ; 
and he was enabled to provide for his future ex- 
penses by pledging Fort Frontenac and the lands 
around it, as also his privilege of commerce with the 
natives. He met the secretary of the Count de 
Frontenac at Montreal, who was instructed to hold 
an interview with him on certain affairs appertain- 
ing to the government. The Sicur Dautray, son of 
the Procurer-General of Quebec, joined him as a 
volunteer. 

Sending forward Father Zenobe with a large part 
of his men, and putting Fort Frontenac under the 

90 



ROBERT DE LA SALLE 9 1 

command of the Sieur de la Forest, he followed with 
the remainder to Niagara. A fort had here been 
built, called Fort de Conty, which was occupied by 
a small garrison. Everything being now in readi- 
ness, he embarked with his whole company in 
canoes from the head of the Niagara River, on the 
28th of August, 1 68 1, and, without any remarkable 
incident during the voyage, arrived at the Miamis 
River on the 3d of November. 

Six weeks were here spent in the necessary ar- 
rangements. The company selected for the voyage 
down the Mississippi consisted of fifty-four persons, 
namely, twenty-three Frenchmen, eighteen savages, 
Abenakis and Loups, from New England, ten 
Indian women, and three children. The Indians 
insisted on taking these women with them to pre- 
pare their food, according to their custom, while 
they were fishing and hunting.* 

It was decided to diverge from the old route, and 
Tonty and Zenobe were despatched in canoes, with 
the equipage and nearly all the men, along the 
southern border of Lake Michigan to the mouth of 
the Chicago River. The waters were closed with 
ice, as had been anticipated, and Tonty caused 
sledges to be constructed for dragging the canoes 
over the frozen surface. La Salle travelled on foot 
from the Miamis River, and joined him on the 4th 

* That women and children should be taken on such an enter- 
prise would seem incredible, if it were not so stated by Father 
Zenobe, who is particular in his enumeration of the persons 
engaged. See Le Clercq's " Etablissement de la Foy," Tom. 
IL p. 214. La Salle also mentions the women in his " Proces 
Verbal," but not the children. 



92 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

of January, 1682. The whole party then began 
their journey up the Chicago, the canoes, baggage, 
provisions, and a wounded Frenchman unable to 
walk, being thus conveyed to its sources, and thence 
across the portage, and down the Illinois to Lake 
Peoria, where the river was open, and the canoes 
were launched again upon their proper element. No 
Indians were seen at the great village, they having 
gone to their winter habitations below. Fort 
Crevecoeur was found in good condition. There 
seems to have been a garrison in the fort, probably 
sent thither a few weeks before by La Salle, on his 
last arrival at the Miamis River, for there is no evi- 
dence of its having been occupied till now from the 
time it was abandoned by Tonty, soon after its con- 
struction. There was no delay at this place; and, 
on the 6th of February, the voyagers found them- 
selves floating safely on the waters of the Missis- 
sippi, no accident having occurred to retard their 
progress or cloud their hopes. 

They were detained here seven days, waiting for 
the Indians, who had loitered behind in consequence 
of the floating ice; and, on the day of their depar- 
ture, they passed the mouth of the Missouri, the 
general appearance of which and its muddy waters 
are accurately described by Father Zenobe. Six 
leagues below, on the east side of the river, they 
landed near a village of the Tamaroa Indians, who 
were then all absent at their hunting-grounds; and 
from this place, having no provisions in store but 
Indian corn, and being obliged to stop on the way 
to hunt and fish, they advanced slowly to the Ohio 



ROBERT DE LA SALLE 93 

River, where they remained a short time. For a 
hundred and twenty miles below the mouth of the 
Ohio, the banks of the Mississippi were marshy and 
covered with reeds, which afforded no opportunity 
for hunting; and the next resting-place was at the 
Chickasaw Bluffs, where they arrived on the 26th 
of February. 

The hunters went into the woods in search of 
game, and all returned except Pierre Prudhomme. 
As Indians had been seen, who probably fled at the 
sound of the guns, it was feared that Prudhomme 
might have been captured or killed. To be on his 
guard, the Sieur de la Salle threw up an intrench- 
ment, called Fort Prudhomme, a name which it re- 
tained long afterwards ; and at the same time 
ordered a party of Frenchmen and Abenakis to 
follow the Indian tracks, and, if possible, to take 
some of the natives prisoners, without doing them 
any harm, by which means he hoped to gain intelli- 
gence of the lost man. Gabriel Barbie and two 
Abenakis succeeded in discovering five natives, and 
in capturing two of them, whom they conducted to 
the camp. They were given to understand that no 
injury was intended, that they would be kindly 
treated, and that peace with their nation was de- 
sired. They reported themselves as belonging to 
the nation of Chickasaws, and acceded to the propo- 
sition for peace, but they could give no account of 
Prudhomme. They said that one of their villages 
was distant only half-a-day's journey. La Salle, 
Zenobe, and others, set off for the village ; but, after 
travelling till night, the savages confessed that the 



94 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

distance was four days' journey farther. In this 
state of uncertainty, owing probably to the difficulty 
of communicating with these Indians, and being 
without provisions, they all went back to the camp. 
One of the Chickasaws agreed to return with them, 
and the other promised to go to the village, and 
prevail on some of the principal men to meet La 
Salle on the bank of the river, at the distance of 
four days' journey below. 

At length Prudhomme was found, after having 
been lost in the woods nine days. Pursuing their 
voyage for a hundred miles or more unmolested, 
and without being able to find the Chickasaw ren- 
dezvous by reason of a fog, they were all at once 
arrested by the sound of a drum on the western side 
of the river, and the calls of distant voices, as if 
giving an alarm. With his usual caution, the Sieur 
de la Salle pushed for the opposite shore, where 
■trees were felled, and a place of defence was hastily 
constructed. This caution, however, proved to be 
unnecessary. 

No demonstrations of hostility were shown by the 
natives, who cordially accepted the calumet of peace, 
visited the Frenchmen in their camp, and invited 
them to their village. The shore was lined by a 
concourse of people to receive them, cabins were as- 
signed for their accommodation, fuel was supplied 
for their fires, abundance of provisions was brought 
to them, and iov three days they were regaled with 
a continual feast. These Indians, it was remarked, 
were of a much gayer humor than those of the 
north, more frank and open-hearted, more gentle in 



ROBERT DE LA SALLE 95 

their manners and decorous in their deportment. 
The Sieur de la Salle was treated with marked def- 
erence and respect. He took possession of the coun- 
try in the name of his king, erected a cross, and 
adorned it with the arms of France. This was 
done with much pomp and ceremony, at which the 
savages testified great joy, and doubtless supposed 
it to be intended for their amusement. Father 
Zenobe also performed his part, by endeavoring to 
impress upon the multitude some of the mysteries of 
his faith, as far as he could do it without under- 
standing a word of their language; and he did not 
despair of having produced good effects, especially 
as he observed, on his return, that the cross stood 
untouched, and had been surrounded by the Indians 
with a line of palisades. This village was called 
Kappa, one amongst many others occupied by the 
Akansa Indians in the vicinity of the Arkansas 
River. Two weeks were passed in these villages, 
and in all of them the reception was equally cordial. 
The next nation below was that of the Taensas. 
They arrived here on the 20th of March. The vil- 
lages were at the opposite side of a lake formed by 
the waters of the Mississippi. Zenobe and Tonty 
were deputed to go with presents on an embassy to 
the king, whom they found in much regal state, and 
an absolute sovereign over his people, surrounded 
by numerous attendants, who approached him with 
ceremonious respect. He was not content with 
showing all due hospitality and civilities to the am- 
bassadors, but signified his intention to return the 
compliment by a visit to their commander. Two 



96 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

hours before the time appointed for the visit, a mas- 
ter of ceremonies appeared with six men, who 
cleared the way over which the great chief was to 
pass, and ecected an awning of mats to shield him 
from the sun. He came clothed in a white robe 
beautifully woven from the bark of trees, preceded 
by two men bearing fans of white plumes. A third 
carried before him two plates of copper brightly 
polished. His demeanor was stately and grave, but 
complaisant and engaging; and throughout the in- 
terview he manifested tokens of satisfaction, confi- 
dence, and friendship. 

Father Zenobe represents these savages as docile, 
tractable, and capable of intellectual culture, and as 
indicating by their manners and modes of life a 
farther advance in civilization than he had ever 
seen among the rude tribes of the north. Their 
cabins were built with walls of mud mixed with 
straw, and covered with mats of cane firmly wrought 
together and ornamented with painted figures. 
Many convenient articles of furniture were in use, 
which gave an air of comfort to the dwellings. 
Their temples, which served as the burial-places of 
the chiefs, were adorned with embellishments. They 
were believed to be worshippers of the sun. Two 
Akansa guides, who could converse in the language 
of these people, doubtless prepared them to receive 
our voyagers without suspicion or distrust. From 
this place the guides returned to their nation 

Parting on amicable terms with the Taensas, the 
voyagers proceeded thirty or forty miles, when they 
discovered a pirogue, or canoe of wood, to which 



ROBERT DE LA SALLE 9/ 

the Chevalier de Tonty gave chase ; but he desisted 
when a large number of savages were seen on the 
shore; and again, with his customary precaution, 
La Salle drew his canoes to the opposite bank of the 
river. The calumet of peace, however, soon settled 
all doubts, and the Indians, who proved to be fisher- 
men of the Natches tribe, came over and invited him 
to accompany them to their village, which was 
twelve miles from the river. Taking with him 
Zenobe and some others, he went to the village, and 
passed the night there, and was treated with the 
same kindness as heretofore, although the Natches 
were at enmity with the Taensas. Another cross 
was planted, with the arms of France attached to it, 
by which ceremony the country was declared to be 
held by the king. The next day they returned to 
the camp, attended by the principal persons of the 
place, and also by a chief of Koroa, a village situate 
on the bank of the river about six miles below, to 
which they were invited by the chief. 

At Koroa they were detained but a short time. 
A Chickasaw Indian, who had come with them from 
Fort Prudhomme, remained at this village. On 
the 3d of April, having advanced more than a hun- 
dred miles from Koroa, they saw several Indians 
employed in fishing, who fled as soon as they were 
discovered. Two Frenchmen and two Abenaki s 
were sent on shore to reconnoitre. They were 
saluted by a shower of arrows, and soon returned, 
having been ordered not to discharge their guns, 
unless driven to an extremity. A drum was beaten, 
and the cry of war was raised. These belligerents 

A. B., VOL. I.— 7 



98 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

were the Quinipissas. Not caring to engage in a 
quarrel without an object, the Sieur de la Salle 
passed along without returning the fire, and came to 
a village of the Tangibaos, which had been recently- 
sacked and pillaged, and many dead bodies were 
seen lying in the deserted cabins. 

At length, on the 6th of April, the river was ob- 
served to divide itself into three channels. The 
Sieur de la Salle separated his company into three 
divisions, and, putting himself at the head of one of 
them, he took the western channel, the Chevalier de 
Tonty the middle, and the Sieur Dautray the 
eastern. The water soon became brackish, and then 
perfectly salt, till, at last, the broad ocean opened 
fully before them. La Salle encamped for the night 
about twelve miles above the mouth of the western 
branch, and the next day he and Tonty examined 
the shores bordering on the sea, and ascertained the 
depth of the waters in the two principal channels. 
The day following was employed in searching for 
a dry place, removed from the tide and the inunda- 
tions of the river, on which to erect a column and 
a cross. This ceremony was performed the next 
day. 

The arms of France were attached to the column, 
with this inscription : Louis the Great, King of 
France and Navarre, reigns; the pth of April, 1682. 
All the men were under arms, and, after chanting the 
"TeDcum,"they honored the occasion by a discharge 
of their muskets, with shouts of Long live the King! 
The column was then erected by the Sieur de la 
Salle, who made a formal speech, taking possession 



ROBERT DE LA SALLE 99 

of the whole country of Louisiana for the French 
King, the nations and people contained therein, the 
seas and harbors adjacent, and all the streams flow- 
ing into the Mississippi, which he calls the great 
River St. Louis. A leaden plate was buried at the 
foot of a tree, with a Latin inscription, containing 
the arms of France and the date, and purporting 
that La Salle, Tonty, Zenobe, and twenty French- 
men, were the first to navigate the river from the 
Illinois to its mouth. The cross was then erected 
with similar ceremonies. At the same time an ac- 
count of these proceedings was drawn up, in the 
form of a Proces Verbal, certified by a notary, and 
signed by thirteen of the principal persons of the 
expedition.* 

A scarcity of food obliged them to depart on their 
return up the river without delay. When they ap- 
proached the inhospitable Ouinipissas, they landed, 
and encamped not far from one of their villages. 
Four women were discovered, and brought to the 



* Creditable writers have erred in assigning the date of this 
discovery to the year 1683; misled, perhaps, by the garbled 
narrative of Tonty, in which there would seem to be a mis- 
print of the last figure, which has been retained in subsequent 
editions and translations. It is remarkable that, in the Letters- 
Patent to Crosat, signed by the king's hand, and granted only 
thirty years after the discovery, the year is twice mentioned 
to have been 1683. The " Proces Verbal " sets this point at 
rest. 

It has been said that the name Louisiana was first given to 
the country by j^a Salle on the present occasion. This is pos- 
sible ; yet, as Hennepin's "Description de la Louisiane " was 
printed the same year, it is more probable that the name had 
before been used, or at least spoken of as appropriate. La 
Salle does not profess, in the " Proces Verbal," to give a new 
name, but seems rather to employ it as one already existing. 



lOO AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

camp; and soon afterwards a party of savages in 
pirogues came towards them, with an apparent in- 
tention of making an attack. They refused to 
accept the calumet, and, when a gun was fired, they 
all hurried away in a fright, having never before 
seen firearms. It being absolutely necessary to pro- 
cure provisions, either by favor or force, one of the 
women was dismissed with presents, and given to 
understand that the others would be permitted to 
follow her, if the Indians would bring corn to the 
camp. 

On the following day, one of the chiefs appeared, 
and the Sieur de la Salle went out to meet him. A 
peace was concluded, and hostages were given by 
the savages. This proved to be a finesse, however, 
and designed only to gain time for an accession to 
their numbers. While several Frenchmen were at 
the village, where a feast was prepared for them, 
armed men were seen coming from different quar- 
ters, and they all retired hastily to the camp. Be- 
fore light the next morning, a sentinel heard a noise 
among the canes and gave the alarm. All hands 
were called to arms, and at that moment the savages 
raised the war-cry, and discharged their arrows. 
This salutation was returned by a volley from the 
muskets, and a skirmish was kept up for nearly two 
hours. Ten of the savages were killed, and many 
others wounded, but no harm was done to their op- 
ponents. The Indians at last ran off, leaving their 
dead behind, and the Loups, true to the power of 
habit, bore away two Quinipissa scalps. So success- 
ful had La Salle been in his intercourse with the 



ROBERT DE LA SALLE lOI 

numerous tribes of Indians whom he had met that 
this was the first instance in which he was compelled 
to wage war upon them. Some of his people were 
eager to go and burn down the village of so perfidi- 
ous a race, but he refused his consent. 

On the ist of May, they came to the Koroas, who 
had received them as friends on their way down, 
but were now seen in arms along the bank of the 
river. They were allies of the Quinipissas, who had 
sent messengers in advance. No hostilities were 
offered, and, putting on a bold countenance, the 
voyagers passed above the villages to the place 
where they had concealed a quantity of corn, which 
was found in good condition. This was an oppor- 
tune supply, for they had suffered extremely from 
hunger since they left the mouth of the river. At 
Taensa and Akansa they met with the same friendly 
reception as before. 

From this latter place the Sieur de la Salle pro- 
ceeded, in advance of the others, with two canoes, 
as far as Fort Prudhomme, where he was overtaken 
by the whole party on the 2d of June. Here he was 
seized with a dangerous illness, which arrested his 
progress ; but he despatched the Chevalier de Tonty 
to Mackinac, with orders to inform the Count de 
Frontenac, by the first conveyance, of the particu- 
lars of the voyage, and then to return to the Illinois. 
The good Father Zenobe remained with his com- 
mander, whose malady was so severe that he was 
detained forty days, and then by slow movements 
he reached the Miamis River towards the end of 
September. • 



102 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

Tonty had been faithful and active in executing 
his orders. He had returned from Mackinac, and 
while on his way thither he placed Dautray in com- 
mand at the Miamis River, and Cauchois at Fort 
St. Louis, near which many Indians assembled and 
built two hundred new cabins. According to 
Father Zenobe's account, it was at this time the in- 
tention of the Sieur de la Salle to go down the 
Mississippi in the Spring following, with a large 
number of people and families, to found a colony. 

Wishing to communicate full and accurate infor- 
mation of his discoveries to the court of France, he 
prevailed on Father Zenobe to be the bearer of his 
despatches. The resolution was suddenly taken, 
and Zenobe left the Miamis River on the 8th of 
October for Quebec, whence he sailed in the same 
vessel with the Count de Frontenac, and arrived in 
France before the end of the year. 

Little is known of the plans or the operations of 
the Sieur de la Salle during the next ten or twelve 
months. The letters of Father Zenobe, who had 
been his devoted attendant for the last four years, 
fail us here, and no other records have come to light 
to supply their place. It can only be ascertained 
that he passed the time in the Illinois country and 
in the region of the Upper Lakes, probably prose- 
cuting his traffic, the exclusive privilege of which 
was soon to terminate, and cementing his alliance 
with the Indian tribes. 

Fort St. Louis was completed, and the best under- 
standing was kept up with the Illinois Indians, in 
the midst of whose territory it was situate. His 



ROBERT DE LA SALLE IO3 

scheme of conducting a colony down the Mississippi 
was abandoned, and he formed the more extensive 
one of sohciting the government to aid him in this 
enterprise on a larger scale. Leaving the Chevalier 
de Tonty in command at Fort St. Louis, and in the 
general charge of his interests, he departed for Que- 
bec in the autumn of 1683, sailed for France, and 
landed at Rochelle on the 13th of December. 



CHAPTER IX 

La Salle obtains a Commission to settle a Colony in Louisiana. 
— Sails with four Vessels to St. Domingo, and thence to the 
Gulf of Mexico. — Discord between him and the Commander 
of the Squadron. 

The grand project, which now absorbed his 
thoughts, was an expedition by sea to the mouth of 
the Mississippi, with such an equipment of ships, 
colonists, and supphes, as would enable him to ex- 
plore his newly-discovered country, and establish 
permanent settlements. His hopes rested on the 
success he shotild have in persuading the ministers 
to adopt his plans, and furnish the aid necessary for 
carrying them into effect. 

It was soon apparent, however, that much was to 
be done before the way could be prepared for a re- 
ception of this proposal. His enemies in Canada 
had spared no pains to excite prejudice at Court 
against him, and to represent his conduct and de- 
signs in the most unfavorable light. La Fevre de 
la Barre, successor to the Count de Frontenac in the 
government of Canada, took the lead in making 
these representations. Jealous of the friends of his 
predecessor, and willing to thwart the measures he 
had set on foot. La Barre listened complacently to 
all the tales that were told, either to his disadvantage 
or to that of his supporters. While the Sieur de 

104 



ROBERT DE LA SALLE 10$ 

la Salle was yet in the Illinois country, after his re- 
turn from the Mississippi, the governor wrote to the 
minister, that the imprudence of La Salle had kin- 
dled a war between the French and the Iroquois, 
that his pretended discovery was of little account, 
that his designs were suspicious, and that the re- 
ports of Father Zenobe should be received with dis- 
trust. This insidious letter was despatched by the 
fleet in which Zenobe sailed for France, and of 
course before the new governor could have had any 
opportunity to gain a correct knowledge of the de- 
signs, transactions, or discoveries, of La Salle. 

Five months afterwards, in April, 1683, he wrote 
again, affirming his conviction of the falsehood of 
what had been said of the new discoveries, of which 
La Salle had sent an account to the minister by the 
Recollet Father, and adding that this voyager was 
then at Green Bay, with some twenty vagabond 
Frenchmen and savages, that he assumed the air of 
a sovereign, pillaged his countrymen, exposed the 
people to the incursions of the Iroquois, and covered 
all these violences under the pretext of a permission 
from the king to hold an exclusive commerce with 
the countries he should discover. The governor 
seemed to console himself, however, with the re- 
mark, that his privilege would cease in a month, 
when he would be obliged to come to Quebec, where 
his creditors, to whom he owed more than thirty 
thousand crowns, impatiently waited his return. 

" Such is the lot of those men," says Charlevoix, 
" whom a mixture of great faults and great virtues 
lifts above the common sphere. Their passions be- 



Io6 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

tray them into errors, and, if they do what others 
cannot do, their enterprises are not approved by all 
men; their success excites the jealousy of those who 
remain in obscurity; their acts prove beneficial to 
some and injurious to others ; the latter take re- 
venge by decrying them without moderation ; the 
former exaggerate their merit. Hence the different 
portraits which are drawn, and of which none is an 
exact resemblance; and as hatred and the habit of 
evil-speaking are more prevalent than gratitude and 
friendship, and as calumny finds an easier access to 
the public ear than commendation and praise, the 
portrait of the Sieur de la Salle was more disfigured 
by his enemies than embellished by his friends." * 

The representations of M. de la Barre, upon what- 
ever foundation in truth they may have rested, and 
there appears to have been little, did not answer the 
end he expected. La Salle was now present, aided 
by his steady friends Frontenac and Zenobe, to 
make his own statements and support his own cause. 
His early and constant patron, Colbert, had died a 
few months before, but his son, Seignelay, was still 
a Secretary of State and Minister of the Marine. 
He saw at once the glory that must redound to 
France by settling with Frenchmen a country half 
as large as Europe. Whatever he might think of 
the faults of La Salle's temper and disposition, he 
confided in his talents, integrity, expanded views, 
determined resolution, and prodigious enterprise; 
he acceded to his proposals, and gained for them the 
approbation of the Court and the King. 

*"Histoire de la Nouvelle France," Chap. X. 



ROBERT DE LA SALLE IO7 

It was decided that an expedition should be fitted 
out, for which the government would provide ves- 
sels, troops, munitions, and such other supplies as 
were wanted; the whole to be under the command 
of the Sieur de la Salle. A new commission was 
granted to him, with all the powers necessary for 
the object. He was authorized to establish colonies 
in Louisiana ; and the immense country and all its 
inhabitants from Lake Michigan to the borders of 
Mexico were made subject to his orders. These 
large powers imply an extraordinary degree of con- 
fidence in the ability and character of the man to 
whom they were intrusted. The commander of the 
squadron was to be under his direction, except in 
the business of navigating the ships at sea till they 
arrived in America, and to assist him in making 
preparations for the voyage. 

Four vessels of different dimensions were selected 
and put in readiness at Rochelle and Rochefort. 
The largest of these was the Joly, a frigate of 
thirty-six guns, commanded by Beaujeu, who was 
likewise the commander of the squadron. The 
second was called the Belle, which carried six guns, 
and had been given to the Sieur de la Salle by the 
king. The third was a ship of about three hundred 
tons' burden, called the Aimahle, which belonged to 
a merchant of Rochelle, and on board of which were 
the implements, goods, and other efifects deemed nec- 
essary for a new settlement. The fourth was the 
5"^ Francis, a small vessel, in which were contained 
thirty tons of munitions and merchandise for St. 
Domingo. 



I08 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

The whole number of persons who embarked in 
these vessels, including the seamen and one hundred 
soldiers, was about two hundred and eighty. The 
high expectation entertained of the success of this 
enterprise prompted several respectable individuals 
to join it as volunteers, among whom were Moran- 
get and Cavelier, nephews of La Salle, the latter 
only fourteen years old, Planterose, Thibault, Ory, 
and also Joutel, who had served sixteen years in the 
army, and who has since been known as the his- 
torian of the expedition. These persons and a few 
others were from Rouen, the native town of La 
Salle. A Canadian gentleman, by the name of 
Talon, and his family, and also some other families, 
consisting of men and young women, increased the 
number of volunteers to about thirty. 

The missionary force was strong, being four 
Recollet Fathers, Zenobe Membre, Anastase Douay, 
Maxime Le Clercq, and Denis Marquet; and also 
three priests, Cavelier, the brother of La Salle, 
Chefdeville, his relation, and Majulle. At the head 
of the mission was Father Zenobe, whose experience 
and character eminently qualified him for this sta- 
tion. After their arrival in America, some of them 
were to remain in the new colony, and others to 
pursue their vocation among the Lidians. On the 
first day of the voyage, however, Marquet was so 
ill that he was set on shore and left behind.* 

The selection of the soldiers, artisans, and 

* Maxime Le Clercq had resided five years as a missionary 
in Canada. He is not the same as the author heretofore quoted, 
whose name was Chretien Le Clercq. 



ROBERT DE LA SALLE IO9 

laborers, was intrusted to agents at Rochelle and 
Rochefort, who seem to have discharged their trust 
in a most faithless and reprehensible manner. It 
was extremely important that every man should be 
of good character and competent to fulfil his duties. 
But the soldiers were an assemblage of vagabonds 
and beggars from the streets, some of whom had 
never handled a musket. Special orders had been 
given that workmen should be engaged who were 
skilled in the several mechanic arts, three or four 
for each ; but many of them proved, upon trial after- 
wards, to be totally ignorant of the trades in which 
they were to be employed. This deception in the 
choice of the soldiers and workmen, though reme- 
died in part by La Salle before his departure, was 
most unfortunate in the result, and was one of the 
principal causes of the disastrous failure of the 
enterprise. 

But the most serious misfortune of all was the 
disagreement between the two commanders. Beau- 
jeu was a sensitive, querulous, troublesome man, 
of small mind and narrow conceptions, and possess- 
ing a most exalted opinion of his consequence as an 
officer of the king's navy. La Salle was reserved, 
keeping secret the tenor of his commission 'and in- 
structions, making no explanations to Beaujeu, and 
seeming indifferent whether this captain indulged 
himself in a good or ill-humor. Two such men 
were the last in the world to be united in promoting 
a common object. 

The Sieur de la Salle arrived at Rochelle on the 
28th of May, 1684, for the purpose of superintend- 



no AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

ing the preparations. He found Beaujeii there, who 
began to unfold his griefs in a letter to the minister 
two days afterwards. 

" You have ordered me, Sir," he writes, " to 
afford to this enterprise every facility in my power. 
This order I shall execute as far as possible; but 
permit me to take great credit to myself for con- 
senting to obey the orders of the Sieur de la Salle, 
whom I believe to be a worthy man, but who has 
never served in war except against savages, and 
who has no military rank; whereas I have been 
thirteen years captain of a vessel, and served thirty 
years by sea and land. Moreover, he tells me, that, 
in case of his death, the command is to devolve on 
the Chevalier de Tonty. This is certainly very hard 
for me to bear, for although I am not now ac- 
quainted with the country, yet I must be a dull man 
indeed not to obtain an adequate knowledge of it in 
a month after my arrival. I beseech you, therefore, 
so far to give me a share in the command, that they 
shall undertake no operation of war without con- 
sulting me. Of their commercial affairs I do not 
pretend to have any knowledge. I believe such an 
arrangement important to the king's service. If we 
should be attacked by the Spaniards, I am persuaded 
that men, who have never commanded in war, could 
not resist them, nor secure the advantages which 
another could do, who had been instructed by occa- 
sions and experience." * 

*Bcaujeu's letters have never been printed. The extracts 
here given are translated from the originals, contained in the 
archives of the Marine Department at Paris. 



ROBERT DE LA SALLE 111 

We here discover a source of dissatisfaction, 
which could hardly fail to generate continual dis- 
cords and complaints. Three weeks later the cap- 
tain wrote from Rochefort as follows : 

" The Joly is now prepared for sea, and I hope 
to sail down the river to-morrow. It remains for 
the Sieur de la Salle to depart whenever he is ready. 
We have six months' provisions for one hundred 
soldiers, and eight months' for sixty sailors. We 
could put no more on board. The Sieur de la Salle 
has said nothing to me of his designs, and, as he is 
constantly changing his plans, I know not whether 
these provisions will be enough for the enterprise. 
He is so jealous, and so fearful that some one may 
penetrate his secrets, that I have refrained from ask- 
ing him questions. He was offended because I in- 
quired where we should find a pilot, who has been 
on the coast to which we are bound, and he has not 
yet given me any light on this subject. His sus- 
picions are such that he told me it would be neces- 
sary to prevent any one from taking the latitude of 
the coasts, and he was displeased when I replied that 
I would keep my instruments under my own control, 
but that it would be impossible to prevent others 
from ascertaining the sun's altitude, since it could 
be done with a cross-staff made of two sticks. 

" I have already informed you how disagreeable 
it is for me to be under the orders of the Sieur de 
la Salle, who has no military rank. I shall obey 
him, however, without repugnance, if you send me 
positive orders to that effect ; but I desire that they 
may be of such a kind that he cannot impute to me 



112 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

any fault, in case he should fail to execute what he 
has undertaken. I am induced to say this, because 
he has intimated that some persons have been 
suborned by his enemies to use their endeavors to 
defeat his enterprise. I wish also that you would 
inform me what is to be done in regard to the sol- 
diers, for he pretends that on our arrival they are 
to be put under his charge ; but my instructions do 
not authorize this pretence, since I am to afford all 
the succor in my power, without endangering the 
safety and navigation of the vessel. Now, it is evi- 
dent that with seventy men I can neither defend nor 
navigate safely the Joly^ a ship of thirty-six guns. 
By the second article of my instructions, I am in- 
trusted only with the manoeuvres of the vessel at 
sea, which is likely to breed a schism between him 
and me, for, in case of an attack, he may pretend to 
command the sailors as well as the soldiers." 

This letter was written more than a month before 
the departure of the squadron, and yet there was no 
change in the instructions. The minister probably 
thought that these points should be settled between 
the commanders themselves ; and so they might 
have been, if their interests had been the same, and 
if they had cherished a mutual spirit of accommoda- 
tion. Unhappily this spirit did not exist, and the 
natural consequences followed. 

The four vessels sailed from Rochelle on the 24th 
of July. They had not gone more than fifty leagues 
to sea, when the bowsprit of the Joly was broken, 
and they all returned to the River of Rochefort for 
repairs. The bowsprit being replaced by a new one, 



ROBERT DE LA SALLE II3 

they put to sea again on the ist of August, bound 
for St. Domingo. At the end of twenty days they 
descried the Island of Madeira, where Beaujeu pro- 
posed to anchor and take in water and refreshments. 
La Salle refused his consent, on the ground that 
they had plentiful supplies on board, and that to stop 
here would cause an unnecessary delay, and expose 
the designs of the voyage to the risk of being dis- 
covered by the Spaniards. 

This refusal occasioned not only the displeasure 
of the captain, but the dissatisfaction and murmurs 
of the other officers and of the men. On the 6th of 
September, another incident occurred, which tended 
to widen the breach between the two commanders. 
They had reached the Tropics, and the sailors were 
preparing for the usual ceremony of plunging in a 
tub of water all those who had not before crossed 
the line. The Sieur de la Salle gave a positive 
order that none of his men should be required to 
submit to this absurd folly, and thereby drew upon 
himself the ill-will of the subordinate officers and 
sailors, who expected good cheer and bountiful gifts 
from so large a number of persons, as a compro- 
mise on their part for having the ceremony per- 
formed in as gentle a manner as the rules would 
allow. The captain was obliged to sustain this 
order, but the odium of it fell upon the Sieur de la 
Salle. 

The voyage was prosperous till they approached 
the Island of St. Domingo, when there was a storm 
and foul weather, and the vessels were separated 
from each other. It had been agreed that the Joly 

A. B.. VOL. I. — 8 



114 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

should put into Port de Paix, in the north part of 
the island ; but Beaujeu seems to have changed this 
plan of his own accord, for he sailed round the 
western end of the island, and landed far south, at 
Petit Gouave, on the 28th of September. Four 
days afterwards, the Belle and Aimahle came in; 
but the little bark St. Francis was taken by the 
Spaniards. This loss was severely felt, as the cargo 
consisted of articles important to the expedition. 

The Sieur de la Salle went immediately on shore 
to provide refreshments and accommodations for 
the sick, who were landed and put linder the care of 
Joutel and the surgeons. It was necessary, also, 
for him to see M. de Cussy, the Governor of St. 
Domingo, and M. Begon, the Intendant, who were 
required by instructions from the minister to render 
him such assistance as was requisite for advancing 
the objects of his voyage. Unfortunately these 
officers were at Port de Paix. He wrote to them, 
and requested that, if possible, they would meet him 
at Petit Gouave, since it was not in his power to 
leave the squadron. Meantime he was taken ill of 
a fever, which increased to such a degree of violence 
that his life was despaired of. The state of his 
affairs at this time may be understood by the con- 
tents of another letter from Beaujeu to the minister, 
dated the 20th of October. 

" Were it not for the malady of the Sieur de la 
Salle," he says, " I should have no occasion to ren- 
der to you an account of our voyage, since I am 
charged only with the navigation, and he with the 
secret; but his illness obliges me to inform you of 
the situation in which we are now placed." 



ROBERT DE LA SALLE 11$ 

He proceeds to give an account of the voyage, in 
which he complains that his wishes were always 
thwarted, that two of the vessels were wretched 
sailers, and that the Joly was so much filled with 
merchandise and baggage between the decks, that 
the men had fallen sick for the want of air and ac- 
commodations ; and he then adds, 

" At last we arrived here, almost all sick ; and the 
Sieur de la Salle himself has been attacked by a 
violent fever, which the surgeons think will be long 
and dangerous, affecting not more his body than his 
mind. A few days after he was taken ill, M. Cave- 
lier, his brother, came to me, and requested that I 
would take charge of his affairs ; but I excused my- 
self, because I knew that, when restored to health, 
he would not approve what I had done, for I have 
often heard him say that he was not obliged to any 
one for meddling in his concerns, or speaking of 
them. He told me, however, that it was absolutely 
necessary to procure subsistence for the men with 
the goods on board the Aimablc and Belle, and I 
gave orders for that purpose, established the rations, 
and appointed a commissary for their distribution. 

" It is said that the Spaniards have in these seas 
six men-of-war, each carrying sixty guns. How- 
ever this may be, or whatever may happen, I will 
carry home to you intelligence of the Mississippi, 
or perish in the attempt. It is true, if the Sieur de 
la Salle should not recover, I shall pursue different 
measures from those he has adopted, which I do not 
approve. Nor can I comprehend how a man should 
dream of settling a country, surrounded by Span- 



Il6 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

iards and Indians, with a company of workmen and 
women, instead of soldiers. But I shall undertake 
nothing without the consent of the governor and in- 
tendant, whose counsels I shall follow. 

*' If you will permit me to express my opinion, 
the Sieur de la Salle ought to have contented him- 
self with the discovery of his river, without attempt- 
ing to conduct three vessels and troops across the 
ocean, in so many different climates, and through 
seas utterly unknown to him. I agree that he is a 
man of learning, who has read much, and has some 
knowledge of navigation; but there is so great a 
difference between theory and practice that the man 
who possesses only the former will always deceive 
himself. The ability to transport canoes through 
lakes and rivers is also very different from that 
which is required to conduct vessels and troops over 
remote seas. Pardon this little digression, which I 
have thought it necessary to make in my own justi- 
fication, because I am aware that I have been repre- 
sented to you as a man full of difficulties ; but I 
would only provide for whatever may happen, 
whereas they who make everything easy never know 
what to expect." 

By this extract, and those preceding, we perceive 
all the troubles of this captain to centre in one point, 
the mortification of being under the orders of a man 
who had no military rank. Why did he accept the 
command, the terms of which he perfectly under- 
stood, and then give himself up to perpetual heart- 
burnings, and seize every possible occasion to vent 
his complaints, and to embarrass the measures which 



ROBERT DE LA SALLE II7 

it was his duty as an officer to support? La Salle's 
great fault consisted in not comprehending or re- 
garding the delicacy of his situation, and endeavor- 
ing to soothe his sensitive temper by more conde- 
scension and frankness of manners ; as well as in 
not reposing confidence in a man whose cordial co- 
operation was absolutely essential to the success of 
his enterprise. 

The governor and intendant came to Petit 
Gouave, and in three weeks' time the Sieur de la 
Salle had gained sufficient strength to make the ar- 
rangements with them for pursuing his voyage. The 
proper stores of provisions were procured and laid 
in ; and domestic animals, suited for settling a colony, 
were put on board. Consultations were held with 
competent pilots concerning the navigation of the 
West India seas and the Gulf of Mexico. It was re- 
solved to steer to the south of the Island of Cuba, 
and touch at Cape St. Anthony, its western ex- 
tremity. He was the more anxious to depart, as his 
motley company of soldiers were licentious and dis- 
orderly; some died of diseases contracted in the 
island, and others deserted. 

In the voyage from France, the Joly had taken 
the lead of the squadron, but the Aimahle, being the 
heaviest sailer of the three, was now placed in front, 
and the others were to be guided by her motions. 
Some of the passengers were transferred from the 
Joly to the Aimable, among whom were La Salle 
himself. Fathers Zenobe and Anastase, Cavelier, 
Chefdeville, and Joutel. The two commanders were 
thus separated, which, under the circumstances, was 



Il8 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

undoubtedly an important change, since it seems to 
have become a settled point that they could not re- 
spect each other, nor act together in harmony. They 
all sailed from Petit Gouave on the 25th of 
November. 



CHAPTER X 

The Vessels make the Land at the Westward of the Mississippi. 
— The Colonists go ashore at the Bay of St. Bernard, and 
build a Fort. — La Salle explores the Bay with the hope of 
finding one of the Mouths of the Mississippi. 

Parting from St. Domingo, they coasted along 
the southern shore of Cuba, at one time standing to 
the south till they saw the Cayman Islands, and then 
turning northward to seek for the Isle of Pines. 
Here they cast anchor, and remained three days. 
They embarked again, and, after beating for some 
time against a headwind, they weathered Cape Cor- 
rientes, and on the 12th of December came to anchor 
at Cape St. Anthony. 

The Gulf of Mexico now lay before them, and, 
staying there one night only, they set sail, and turned 
their prows in a northwesterly direction. Contrary 
winds drove them back, and detained them four days 
longer at Cape St. Anthony, which time they em- 
ployed in filling the water-casks. The wind and 
weather becoming favorable, the sails were spread, 
and a northwest course was taken, as before. The 
sky was for the most part cloudless, and there were 
opportunities for frequent observations ; but unfortu- 
nately the latitude of the coasts was so imperfectly 
known that these observations, however accurate, 

119 



I20 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

could be turned to little account. By some rude in- 
strument, La Salle had observed the elevation of the 
pole at the mouth of the Mississippi, and had made 
the latitude full two degrees too far south. 

After eight days' sailing, however, it was certain 
that they could not be far from land. At length 
soundings were found, and the BcUc, being the 
smallest of the three vessels, was sent ahead, and on 
the tenth day a signal from her mast gave notice 
that land was in sight. At the same time, a sailor 
from the mast-head of the Aimable saw land bear- 
ing northeast, at the distance of six leagues. 

No one could tell, or conjecture with any degree 
of certainty, on what part of the coast they had ar- 
rived. It was finally agreed, that they must be in the 
Bay of Appalachie, which is nearly three hundred 
miles east of the Mississippi, and far to the eastward 
of the meridian of Cape St. Anthony. As they had 
all the while been steering to the west of north, it 
would seem strange that they should come to such a 
conclusion. But La Salle and Beaujeu had been 
told in St. Domingo, by pilots who professed to have 
a knowledge of the navigation of the Gulf, that a 
strong current set at all times towards the Bahama 
Channel, around the Cape of Florida, and they now 
supposed themselves to have been wafted much 
farther eastward by this current than was accounted 
for by the ships' reckoning. This decision was fatal, 
for they w^ere actually at the westward of the main 
stream of the Mississippi, probably not less than a 
hundred miles, and near the Achafalaya Bay; but 
even at this place, if they had landed, they could not 



ROBERT DE LA SALLE 12 1 

have failed to find one of the western branches of the 
Mississippi. 

In conformity with this decision, it was deter- 
mined to coast along to the west, with the expecta- 
tion of finding the mouths of the Mississippi. On 
the 1st of January, 1685, La Salle landed in a boat 
at the head of a few men, but without making any 
discovery, and, at the end of nine days, so much was 
he bewildered that he still thought himself in the 
Appalachie Bay, on the coast of Florida. He held 
intercourse with some of the savages who came on 
board, but no knowledge could be gained from them. 
At length, twenty days after the first discovery of 
land, it was ascertained, by the change of latitude, 
that the coast was tending towards the south. The 
delusion now vanished, and it was obvious that he 
was approaching the borders of Mexico, near the 
Magdalen River, and the Bay of Espiritu Santo. 
Yet he cherished the vain hope that some branch of 
the Mississippi might empty itself into the Gulf of 
Mexico not far from this place. 

For the purpose of observing the country, and 
searching for fresh water, Joutel, with a party of 
men, was sent on shore. They found only salt water ; 
the soil was barren and sandy; they saw a herd of 
deer, and killed many ducks and wild turkeys. La 
Salle himself was preparing to land and reconnoitre, 
when the Joly came in sight, which detained him on 
board. She had been separated from the other two 
vessels sixteen days, having kept at sea to avoid the 
shoals. The lieutenant came on board the Aimahle, 
with a harsh message from the captain, in which he 



122 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

complained that he had been left behind by design. 
This was not true, for the Joly was the best sailer, 
and was ahead when she was last seen. It is evident, 
from what had already passed, that Beaujeu cared 
little whether he kept company with the other vessels 
or not, and that he followed his own choice in stand- 
ing farther out to sea. This new misunderstanding 
between the two commanders tended only to throw 
additional obstacles in the way of the enterprise. 
The}^ met very rarely afterwards. The business re- 
lating to the Joly was transacted between La Salle 
and Beaujeu's lieutenant. 

As all the officers were now satisfied that they had 
gone much too far westward, there was a discussion 
as to the expediency of retracing their course, and 
seeking again for the Mississippi. This was the 
desire of the Sieur de la Salle, and he proposed it to 
Beaujeu, who demanded a new supply of provisions 
before he would undertake the voyage. He was 
offered enough for fifteen days, within which time 
the Mississippi might be discovered ; but this offer 
he would not accept. The discussion ran into a dis- 
pute, which continued for some time ; but La Salle 
would not comply with Beaujeu's demands, because 
he suspected, and with apparent justice, that he 
would sail away for the West Indies, and leave him 
without fulfilling his promise. WHiether he did not 
cross his own designs, and hasten his fate, by stand- 
ing so rigidly upon these points, it would be fruitless 
now to inquire. He probably thought, from what he 
knew of Beaujeu's character and conduct, that the 
last hope of a compromise had lied. 



ROBERT DE LA SALLE 12 3 

In the meantime, the vessels returned twenty or 
thirty miles along the coast, till they came to the 
outlet of the Bay of St. Bernard, not then known to 
La Salle, and named by him St. Louis, but which is 
now called Matagorda Bay, in the southwestern cor- 
ner of Texas. The soldiers and others, except the 
ships' crews, were landed near the entrance of the 
bay, on the west side, and were regaled to their 
hearts' content with the fresh provisions afforded 
by the deer, wild fowl, and fish, which were found 
in abundance. Near this place was established the 
first encampment. A temporary camp for a part of 
the company was likewise formed at a considerable 
distance farther up the bay, on a point of land called 
Point Hurler, from the name of the officer who com- 
manded there. An exploring party was sent out, 
under the command of Joutel and Moragnet, with 
orders to proceed along the shore around the west- 
ern end of the bay. After three days' march, they 
were stopped by a river, which they could not cross 
without a boat. The vessels on the other side of the 
bay were in full view, and the Sieur de la Salle 
crossed over in a boat, and met the explorers at this 
place. 

He had already given orders for the outlet of the 
bay to be sounded, with the design of bringing in the 
Aimahle and Bclle,\i the depth of water should prove 
sufficient. There were two channels, and an island 
between them. The pilots reported favorably, and 
set up signals on the shoals. The cannon, and some 
other heavy articles, were taken out of the Aimahle, 
and the captain was directed to run her into the bay. 



124 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

The pilot of the Belle, who knew the channel, was 
sent to his assistance, but he refused to admit him on 
board, and said he could manage his own ship. He 
hoisted the sails, and in a short time contrived to run 
her upon a shoal, where she bilged, and could not be 
removed. The boat, which hung at the stern, was 
also maliciously staved in pieces. Some part of the 
cargo was saved, but the larger and most valuable 
portion was lost. Beaujeu must have the credit of 
allowing his boats to be employed in this service. On 
one occasion, when a boat was dashed against the 
side of the wreck by the violence of the waves, 
Father Zenobe was plunged into the sea, and was 
rescued by a rope, which he caught from the hand 
of a sailor standing on the deck. 

This loss was the more to be deplored, as the ves- 
sel contained nearly all the implements and tools in- 
tended for establishing the colony. Their circum- 
stances were such, says Joutel, that no one could 
doubt the disaster to have been the effect of a pre- 
meditated design of the captain, which he calls, truly 
enough, one of the blackest and most detestable that 
could be conceived in the heart of man. 

When this accident happened, the Sieur de la 
Salle was on the opposite side of the bay, where the 
savages had already made their appearance, and 
carried off three men, while they were employed in 
cutting down a large tree, to be shaped into a canoe. 
He went to the village and brought back the men 
without opposition. He also succeeded in bartering 
some hatchets with them for two canoes, which he 
very much wanted ; and it may here be observed that 



ROBERT DE LA SALLE 12$ 

he seems to have possessed a deep knowledge of the 
character of savages, and an extraordinary power 
over their minds, for it rarely happened that difficul- 
ties began when he was personally present. 

It would have been fortunate if all his companions 
had possessed the same knowledge and the same 
power. We have an instance in point at this time. 
A bale of blankets had floated away from the wreck 
of the Aimable to the margin of the lake on the op- 
posite side. The Indians picked it up, and, naturally 
enough, appropriated the blankets to their own use. 
He thought it would be a good opportunity to pre- 
vail on them to let him have canoes in exchange. 
Du Hamel, the second lieutenant of the Joly, offered 
to go with a party in his boat and negotiate the 
affair. They landed, and marched up to the village 
in a resolute manner, with arms in their hands, so 
that the Indians knew not whether to regard them as 
friends or enemies. Unable to make themselves un- 
derstood, they finally went back, seizing a parcel of 
skins and two canoes as booty. The Indians looked 
upon this act as a declaration of war, pursued the 
party, overtook them in the night on the shore where 
they had landed and gone to sleep, poured in upon 
them a discharge of arrows, killed two and wounded 
two others, and then fled, frightened at the sound of 
a musket, fired by one of the men while rousing from 
his slumbers. 

The Sieur de la Salle bitterly lamented this catas- 
trophe. Ory and Desloges, the men that had been 
slain, were volunteers, whom he esteemed and valued 
as friends. The event cast a gloom over the minds 



126 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

of all ; they were struck with terror at the thought of 
Indians, murmured at their condition, and began to 
talk of returning to France, and abandoning an en- 
terprise so thickly beset with dangers. If they had 
been endowed with the gift of foresight, their hearts 
might well have sunk within them. But the firm 
spirit of La Salle, which never sank or even drooped 
under any burden, sustained him now as in former 
trials, and his example was a gleam of encourage- 
ment to the desponding, the irresolute, and the faint- 
hearted. 

Meantime Beaujeu was preparing to depart. He 
nourished his ill-humor to the last. The cannon balls 
were all on board the Joly. He refused to take them 
out, because he could not do it without removing 
some of his cargo. Eight cannon were thus left for 
the defence of the colony, and not a single ball. 
Taking with him the perfidious captain and the crew 
of the Aimable, he set sail for France on the 12th of 
March. 

The whole number of persons then remaining in 
the colony is not exactly known. Joutel mentions 
one hundred and eighty, besides the crew of the 
Belle, consisting of soldiers, volunteers, workmen, 
women, and children. The stock of provisions from 
the vessels was nearly exhausted, and their future 
supply depended mainly on the chase. Fortunately 
the surrounding prairies were covered with buffaloes, 
which were easily killed with their firearms, and 
which furnished excellent food ; the rivers alx)unded 
with fish ; the cattle, swine, and fowls, which they 
had brought from St. Domingo, thrived and multi- 



ROBERT DE LA SALLE 12/ 

plied; and, after the failure of one experiment In a 
barren soil, they succeeded in producing grain and 
vegetables from European seeds. 

To provide a shelter for themselves and their 
goods, and a protection against the Indians, they 
built a temporary fort on a hillock of sand, with the 
timbers and planks of the Aimahle, which floated 
ashore after the vessel went to pieces, and with drift- 
wood from the beach. While this work was in prog- 
ress, the Sieur de la Salle, taking fifty men with him, 
set out on a tour of discovery. He was unwilling to 
relinquish the hope that this bay, stretching far to the 
eastward, was in fact one of the mouths of the Mis- 
sissippi. The captain of the Belle was ordered to 
sound the shores of the bay, and to sail along so as to 
hold communication with him. The fort was left 
under the command of Joutel, who was directed not 
to have any intercourse with the Indians. 

Accompanied by his brother Cavelier, and by 
Fathers Zenobe and Maxime, he began his march, 
and explored the country around the west end of the 
bay, till he came to a river of considerable size, which 
he called the Vaches, on account of the immense 
number of wild cows, or buffaloes, seen on its banks. 
The name is still retained in the maps. On the 
western side of this river, six miles from its entrance 
into the bay, a place was found which he thought a 
better situation for an encampment than the one first 
selected on the barren sand-hills near the sea. He 
therefore sent the Sieur de Villeperdry back across 
the bay in a canoe, with orders for all the company 
to march and join him, except thirty men, who were 



y 



128 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

to remain in the fort with Joutel. Not long after- 
wards, these men were ordered to follow. Stopping 
at Point Hurler, they took with them the party at 
that place, and about the middle of July the whole 
colony assembled at the new encampment on the 
River Vaches. 

The Indians had hovered about the fort at differ- 
ent times in the night, howling like dogs and wolves, 
but had done no mischief. Two men had deserted; 
and the Sieur de Gros, while hunting snipes in a 
marsh, was bitten by a rattlesnake. At first the 
wound excited no alarm; but the leg gradually 
swelled till the surgeon advised an amputation. A 
fever ensued, and he lived but two days. A con- 
spiracy was likewise engendered in the fort. It was 
the plan of the conspirators to murder Joutel and 
others, and then to run away with such effects as 
they could carry. The plot was detected in time to 
prevent its execution. 

A beautiful spot had been chosen for the new en- 
campment. It was on an elevation near the bank of 
the river. Vast plains stretched away towards the 
west, covered with green herbage and tufts of trees ; 
at the south and east lay the smooth waters of the 
bay, fringed with verdant borders; and northward 
the view extended over a wide expanse of prairie 
grounds, terminated in the far distance by a range 
of sloping hills and lofty forests. Such is the de- 
scription of Joutel ; and if the charms of nature, fair 
skies, and a bountiful clime, had been all that was 
needed to insure the happiness and fulfil the expecta- 
tions of the colonists, they might here have sat down 



ROBERT DE LA SALLE I29 

contented with the present, and cheered with en- 
couraging hopes of the future. But with the burden 
that now weighed upon their spirits, the music of 
nature's harmony was discord in their souls. 

Their first care was to erect a habitation, and to 
surround it with a new fort. This was a work of 
incredible labor and fatigue. It was three miles to 
the nearest copse of wood in which timber suited to 
the purpose could be obtained. The trees were cut 
and hewn, and then dragged by the men over grass 
and weeds through that long distance to the camp. 
The carriage-wheels of one of the guns were used 
to aid the operation; but with all the contrivances 
that could be devised the toil was extreme, and some 
of the men sank under it. When the company first 
assembled at the new encampment several of their 
number had died, among whom was the Sieur de 
Villeperdry, and within a few days thirty more fol- 
lowed them to the grave. These were mostly sol- 
diers, some of whom had become diseased at St. 
Domingo. The loss most lamented was that of the 
master-carpenter, who wandered from the camp, and 
was never again heard of. These continual inroads 
of death cast a gloom over the survivors, which de- 
pressed their spirits and abated their energies. 

The mind of the Sieur de la Salle sustained this 
weight of care with its accustomed firmness and con- 
stancy. He neither spared himself in the work nor 
allowed the healthy and strong to be idle. Taking 
the place of the chief carpenter, he marked out the 
tenons and mortises, and prepared the timbers for 
the workmen. He also sent twenty men to bring 

A. B., VOL. I. — Q 



130 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

away the remnants of the old fort, which was ef- 
fected without difficulty by the Belle, aiid by a raft 
towed at its stern. The Vaches was navigable as 
high up as the new fort. The materials being thus 
brought together, the work went on with more speed, 
and it was soon in a condition for shelter and de- 
fence. It was named Fort St. Louis. 

These preparations being made in such a manner 
as to afford security to the colonists, his next design 
was to explore the bay, and to ascertain whether, in 
any part, it received a branch of the Mississippi. 
The illness of his brother detained him for some 
time, during which he made short excursions for 
several leagues around, merely to observe the coun- 
try. It was not till late in the month of October that 
he was ready for this tour. He then departed with 
twenty men, leaving the fort and the colonists under 
the command of Joutel. He had also resolved to 
make use of the Belle in this expedition, and he or- 
dered the captain to sail up the bay, and to station 
the vessel near the western shore, and remain there 
till intelligence should be received from him. His 
clothes, papers, and other effects, were put on board, 
as he probably thought they would be more secure 
there than in the fort. 

A discharge of five cannon was the signal of his 
departure. Crossing the River Vaches, he went 
down to the bay by land, and thence eastward along 
the shore, keeping in sight of two or three canoes, 
which contained a part of the company. In this way 
he proceeded to the place where the Belle was at 
anchor, and wishing to know how near she could be 



ROBERT DE LA SALLE I3I 

brought to the land, he sent the pilot with five men in 
a canoe to take soundings. Night coming on, and 
their work not being yet done, these men went 
ashore, and kindled a fire to cook their supper, but 
were so careless in keeping guard that the savages 
fell upon them and murdered every man. Uneasy 
at their long absence, I.a Salle himself took a canoe 
and went in search of them. He found their man- 
gled bodies stretched on the ground and half-de- 
voured by wild beasts. 

He returned to the Belle, ordered the officers to 
remain in that place till they should hear from him, 
and then went ashore with two canoes. He caused 
the canoes to be sunk in a small creek, and, each man 
taking what he could in his knapsack, marched to- 
wards the east. In a few days they came to a large 
river, since known as the Colorado, which flows into 
the bay, and which they crossed. The particulars of 
this journey have not been recorded, either by Anas- 
tase or Joutel, as neither of them was of the party. 
But since its whole object was to discover one of the 
mouths of the Mississippi, which the Sieur de la Salle 
conjectured might fall into the Bay of St. Louis, it 
cannot be doubted that he passed around the eastern 
end of the bay, and examined all the rivers, so far as 
to satisfy himself that his conjecture was erroneous. 

One man, named Duhaut, deserted the company 
after they had been several days out, and returned 
alone to the fort. He had given offence to the com- 
mander, and quarrelled with Moragnet, his nephew. 
On other occasions he had shown himself factious 
and troublesome. 



132 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

After an absence of more than four months, La 
Salle was again received with joy by the colonists at 
the fort. Seven or eight of his men only came with 
him. The others had turned off from the track to 
go and search for the Belle, in the place where she 
had been left. Joutel represents their first appear- 
ance as forlorn and sad ; their clothes ragged, Cave- 
lier's short cassock hanging in tatters, some without 
hats, others destitute of linen. The remainder of the 
party returned the next day ; they could not find the 
Belle; they had searched in vain along the shore ; at 
the fort she had not been heard from ; and the melan- 
choly conviction seemed to rest upon the minds of all 
that she was lost. 



CHAPTER XI 

First Journey towards the Illinois. — Cenis Indians. — La Salle 
taken ill of a Fever near the Red River. — Returns to the 
Bay of St. Bernard. — Second Journey towards the Illinois. 

— Conspiracy against La Salle. — His Death. 

Several days passed away, and, no news of the 
Belle having been obtained, the Sieur de la Salle was 
more deeply impressed than ever with the perplexi- 
ties and perils of his situation. Hitherto his hopes 
had clung to this vessel, as affording the means of 
finding the mouth of the Mississippi by sea, or, in 
the last extremity, of procuring relief from St. 
Domingo, and of conveying a knowledge of his dis- 
tresses to France. These hopes were now all cut off. 
Removed nearly two thousand miles from any civil- 
ized settlement to which he could look for succor, 
surrounded on every side by hostile savages, depend- 
ing on chance for the daily subsistence of a colony 
which he was bound to sustain and protect, he had 
no other support left than the strong arm of a benefi- 
cent Providence, no other resource than the unsub- 
dued energy of his own resolute spirit. 

His usual calmness did not forsake him, nor was 
it a time to indulge unavailing regrets. One course 
only remained, which was to open a communication 
with the Illinois, and seek assistance from Tonty, 
his faithful friend, who was stationed there awaiting 

133 



134 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

his orders. Through this channel, also, intelligence 
might be sent to France. He resolved to undertake 
this journey, and made preparations without delay. 
The party consisted of twenty men, including his 
brother Cavelier, Father Anastase, Moragnet, Biho- 
rel, Le Clerc, Hurler, Hiens a surgeon, and Nika 
the Indian hunter, who had accompanied him from 
Canada to France, and thence on the voyage. Hiens 
was a German from Wittenberg, who had been a 
bucaneer, and had joined him at St. Domingo. On 
the morning of the 22d of April, 1686, they per- 
formed their devotions in the chapel and then took 
their departure from the fort, directing their course 
to the northeast. 

The colony was left under the charge of Joutel. 
A few days afterwards, he was surprised to see a 
canoe coming up the river, containing Chefdeville, 
the Sieur de la Sablonniere, and others, who had 
escaped from the Belle. They told the sorrowful 
tale of the wreck of that vessel. It had been driven 
to the south shore of the bay and stranded on the 
beach three months before, Planterose and five 
others had been previously swallowed up by the 
waves, on a dark night, while returning in a canoe 
from the land, where they had been for water. 
Three or four died on board. The number of hands 
was thus so much diminished that, when the winds 
rose, the bark could not be managed, and she ran 
aground. Several of the men perished on a raft, 
which they had unskilfully constructed ; and the re- 
mainder succeeded with difficulty in reaching the 
shore on another raft. They saved a small stock of 



ROBERT DE LA SALLE 1 35 

provisions and a few articles, among which were the 
Sieiir cle la Salle's clothes and papers. Here they 
continued, on a desolate strand, for three months, till 
a canoe accidentally floated to the beach, in which 
they returned to their companions at the fort. 

Few incidents are related as having occurred dur- 
ing the absence of La Salle on this journey. The 
Indians sometimes assailed the hunting-parties, but 
they made no hostile attempts upon the fort. The 
perfidious Duhaut stirred up a mutiny in the camp, 
which gave trouble to Joutel, but which, by a timely 
discovery, he was enabled to suppress. Yet he could 
not entirely assuafge discontent, the offspring of 
heavy disappointments and hardships. But it was 
not all a scene of grief and gloom. The Sieur Bar- 
bier gained the heart of one of the young maidens, 
which furnished an occasion for the festivities of a 
wedding. Joutel was assisted in the arduous duties 
of his command by the counsels of Father Zenobe, a 
man of wisdom, fortitude, and experience. 

After three days' journey, the Sieur de la Salle 
met a party of Indians in the midst of a beautiful 
prairie, some on foot, and some riding on horses. 
These latter wore boots and spurs, and sat in sad- 
dles, which was a proof that they had a commerce, 
directly or indirectly, with the Spaniards on the bor- 
ders of Mexico. They were peaceful and courteous, 
and invited the travellers to their village ; but, as this 
lay to the northwest, out of the track, the invitation 
was declined. The party took the precaution to 
fortify themselves that night, as they did afterwards, 
with palisades and fallen trees. Travelling for two 



136 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

days over prairie grounds, they came to a river, un- 
doubtedly a branch of the Colorado, which they 
called the Robec. 

Here they fell in with a prodigious number of 
buffaloes, and killed as many as they wanted with the 
greatest ease, stopping five or six days to dry the 
meat, and providing as large a quantity as they 
could conveniently carry, so that they might march 
for several days without being hindered on the way 
to hunt for game. Five or six miles beyond, they 
came to another river, which Father Anastase says 
was broader and deeper than the Seine at Paris, bor- 
dered on one side by the most beautiful trees, and on 
the other by extensive plains. They crossed it on a 
raft. This was the Colorado. It was afterwards 
called the Maligne by La Salle, in consequence of one 
of his party having been devoured in it by a croco- 
dile.* 

The crossing of rivers was the most serious im- 
pediment in their way. Many of the smaller streams 
could be forded, but many others were too deep for 
such a passage. The larger rivers could only be 
passed with rafts, and these it took much time to 
construct. Sometimes they would fell trees across 
the stream, and thus form a bridge. At other times 
they would cut down trees on each side, in such a 
manner that the tops would meet in the middle. On 
marshy banks, where trees did not grow, the rafts 
were made of canes. Frequently there was danger 

* In some of the old maps, the name Maligne is appHed to 
the Brazos, and the Colorado is called the River of Canes; but, 
from the narratives both of Joutel and Anastase, it is more 
probable that the Colorado was the Maligne. 



ROBERT DE LA SALLE 137 

from the rapidity of the current, and from the water 
being so deep that the bottom could not be reached 
with their poles. Some of the men were good swhn- 
mers, and could cross with an axe whenever the occa- 
sion required. 

At no great distance from the Colorado, their 
course turned more to the east, and they soon found 
themselves in the midst of a numerous tribe of In- 
dians, called the Biskatronge, who received them 
with all the kindness imaginable, invited them to 
their cabins, detained them as long as they could by 
persuasion, and then furnished them with guides, 
and conveyed them across a river in their canoes. 
The next tribe was that of the Kirononas, who were 
not less friendly and hospitable. 

Parting from these nations, they were alarmed one 
day by Nika, who cried out that he was dead. He 
had been bitten by a snake. This accident caused 
great anxiety to them all, for Nika's fidelity and skill 
in hunting rendered his services extremely impor- 
tant. Remedies w^ere applied, and, fortunately, in a 
few days the wound was healed. 

The next adventure was at a large and rapid river, 
where the Sieur de la Salle, attempting to cross on a 
raft of canes with half of his party, was hurried vio- 
lently down by the current, till he was out of sight 
of those left behind, who supposed they were all 
drowned ; but at sunset they appeared on the opposite 
bank, the raft having been caught by the branches of 
a floating tree, which enabled them to reach land. 
The others crossed the next day. But it was a dis- 
mal, marshy place, where they were mid-leg in water 



138 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

while framing the raft; and Father Anastase was 
obhged to put his Breviary in his cowl to prevent its 
being wet. This was probably the River Brazos. 

They were entangled for two days among canes, 
through which it was necessary to cut a path. Soon 
afterwards, a beautiful country opened to their view, 
and the travelling was easy and agreeable. They 
had not gone far, when they entered the territory of 
a nation of Indians, whom they found less barbarous, 
better provided with the conveniences of life, and 
more comfortable in their dwellings, than any they 
had seen. They first met a single Indian, who, with 
his wife and family, was engaged in hunting. He 
gave one of his horses to the Sieur de la Salle, and 
such provisions as he could spare, and invited the 
whole party to the village. He went forward to give 
notice of their approach, and a large company of 
warriors and others came out, fancifully dressed in 
skins and adorned with feathers, carrying the calu- 
met with much ceremony, and exhibiting in all their 
movements an unusual display. The Sieur de la 
Salle was received in a sort of triumph, and lodged 
in the cabin of the great chief. Smiling faces, 
friendly salutations, and good cheer, were proffered 
from every cpiarter. 

This village was one of a large number, scattered 
up and down on both sides of a river for many miles 
in extent, each having a different name. They were 
inhabited by the Cenis Indians. Some of the habita- 
tions were forty feet in height, in the shape of a bee- 
hive, having a framework of trees, with their tops 
bent and intertwined. Such a dwelling would ac- 



ROBERT DE LA SALLE 1 39 

commodate two families. The fire was in the centre, 
and beds of mats -were arranged around the walls, 
elevated three or four feet from the ground. Some 
articles were seen, which evidently came from the 
Spaniards in Mexico, such as silver spoons, pieces of 
money, and clothes. Horses likewise were common, 
which must originally have been obtained from the 
same quarter. Yet these people, as they said, had 
never seen any Spaniards in their villages, but pro- 
cured the articles they possessed from the Choumans, 
their allies, who resided at the westward, between 
them and Mexico. They were ready to barter their 
horses. One was sold for a hatchet, and another 
was offered to Father Anastase in exchange for his 
cowl by a savage, who was struck with admiration of 
that part of his dress. The offer was not accepted. 

The same remarkable power which La Salle could 
always exercise over the savage mind was shown on 
this occasion. He won the respect and confidence of 
all ranks. They entertained him bountifully for five 
days, when he departed, and, crossing a large river, 
which ran through the midst of the Cenis villages, 
undoubtedly the River Trinity, marched forward to 
the nation of the Nassonis. This nation was in al- 
liance with the Cenis, and seemed to possess the same 
habits, manners, and character. 

About twenty miles farther onward, it was dis- 
covered that four men had deserted and gone back 
to the Nassonis ; and in a short time the Sieur de la 
Salle and his nephew Moragnet were attacked by a 
violent fever, which compelled them to stop. They 
were now reduced so low that it was more than two 



I40 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

months before they were able to resume their jour- 
ney; and, in their present condition, it was hazard- 
ous, and indeed impracticable, to pursue their route 
towards the Illinois. They depended entirely on the 
chase for their food, and by this long detention the 
stock of powder was so much exhausted that it 
would not be possible for the remainder to carry 
them through a dreary march of more than a thou- 
sand miles, even if they should be so fortunate as to 
meet a friendly reception from all the savages on the 
way; and this was not to be expected. Compelled 
by this cruel necessity, La Salle took the only course 
that was left; he resolved to go back to the Bay of 
St. Bernard. 

The reader need not be detained with the incidents 
of this journey. In fact, very few have been related. 
Their fatigues were much relieved by five horses, 
which they had purchased of the natives. One of the 
men, as mentioned above, was swallowed by a croco- 
dile, while crossing the Colorado; and Bihorel wan- 
dered away and was lost. When they arrived at the 
fort on the 17th of October, after an absence of al- 
most six months, Joutel says there were only eight 
men with La Salle. Three had left the company on 
their way out, being unable to endure the fatigue, 
and it is not known whether they ever returned. 
Speaking of this journey, Father Anastase says, " It 
would be difficult to find in history an instance of a 
more intrepid and invincible courage than that of 
the Sieur de la Salle in the midst of disheartening 
events ; he was never cast down, and he constantly 
hoped, with the aid of Heaven, to accomplish his en- 



ROBERT DE LA SALLE I4I 

terprise, in spite of the obstacles by which it was 
opposed." 

The route he pursued cannot be traced on a map 
with any degree of exactness, because there are no 
well-defined landmarks by which to be guided; and 
even the names of the Indian tribes have long ago 
passed away. It may be assumed as certain, how- 
ever, that he crossed the three large rivers, Colorado, 
Brazos, and Trinity ; the first, not many miles above 
the present town of Montezuma ; and the second, as 
far above the town of Washington. Father Anas- 
tase informs us that the course was for several days 
northeast, and then more easterly. The Nassonis In- 
dians were at some distance east of the Trinity, and 
the journey terminated beyond the Nassonis, prob- 
ably about midway between the Trinity and the Red 
River, near the head-waters of the Sabine, and fifty 
or sixty miles northwest of Nacogdoches.* 

After his arrival at the fort, he employed the peo- 
ple in constructing a new storehouse, and in pro- 
viding other means for lessening the discomforts of 
their situation. He soon formed the design of an- 
other journey to the Illinois, and began to make 
preparations. He was again taken down by an ill- 
ness, which caused delay, and ten weeks passed be- 
fore he was ready. 

For this tour, according to Anastase, he selected 
twenty men ; Joutel says seventeen. Among them 
were Father Anastase, Cavelier the Priest, and 



* The particulars of this journey are taken from the narrative 
of Father Anastase, the only person of the party who wrote an 
account of it. 



142 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

young Cavelier his nephew, Joutel, Moragnet, Du- 
haut, Larcheveque, Hiens, Liotot, Talon, De Marie, 
Teissier, Saget, and the Indian Nika.* The fort 
was put under the command of the Sieur Barbier, 
with whom were Father Zenobe, and Maxime, 
Chefdeville, Sablonniere, and others, being twenty 
persons in all, of whom seven were women and girls. f 
The Sieur de la Salle, calling the people together, 
addressed them in an eloquent speech, says Anastase, 
" with that engaging air which was so natural to 
him," presenting such motives to sustain their con- 
stancy as the occasion would admit, and encouraging 
them to hope for his speedy return, and with such 
succor as to relieve their distress. 

Having taken a melancholy leave of their com- 
panions, the travellers departed from the fort on 
the 1 2th of January, 1687. As they passed over the 
same route that had been pursued on the former 
journey, the incidents were of a like kind; hunting 
buffaloes and game for food, crossing rivers, 
marching through swamps, and encountering the 
numerous ills and privations to which they v/oiild 
naturally be exposed on such a march. They met 
companies of the natives more frequently than be- 
fore, who uniformly received them rather with a 

* Talon was a son of the Canadian gentleman of that name 
who sailed from Rochefort, and who had died. His widow 
was left in the camp, with several young children. 

t This is the statement of Joutel, who speaks confidently as 
to the number remaining in the fort. When they assembled 
at the first encampment, after the departure of the Joly, he 
tncntions the whole number of persons as being one hundred 
and eighty, besides the crew of the Belle. It follows that at 
least one hundred and forty-three had since died. " Journal 
Historique," pp. 95, 96, 157, 158. 



ROBERT DE LA SALLE I 43 

kind welcome than with reserve or a show of hos- 
tihty. entertaining- them in the villages, supplying 
them with provisions, helping them across rivers 
with their canoes, and selling them horses for a 
small compensation. They were also aided in cross- 
ing some of the streams by a portable canoe, con- 
sisting of a light frame of wood covered with buffalo 
skins. 

They thus proceeded without any remarkable ad- 
venture or accident for the space of two months. 
On the 15th of March, they came near to a place 
where the Sieur de la Salle had buried a quantity 
of Indian corn and beans on his last journey, and 
he ordered Duhaut, Hiens, Liotot, Larcheveque, 
Teissier, Nika, and his footman Saget, to go and 
bring it away. They found the place, but the corn 
and beans were spoiled. Nika, in the meantime, 
killed two buffaloes, and they despatched Saget to 
inform the commander, and request him to send 
horses for the meat. He accordingly directed Mo- 
ragnet, De Marie, and Saget, to go thither with 
horses, and to send back one of them loaded with 
meat for immediate use, and wait till the rest was 
dried. 

When Moragnet arrived, he found that the meat 
had been smoked, though it was not dry enough for 
that process ; and Duhaut and the others had laid 
aside certain parts to be roasted for themselves, 
which it seems was the custom on similar occasions. 
Moragnet, in a passionate manner, reprimanded 
them for what they had done, and took away not 
only the smoked meat, but the pieces they had re- 



144 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

woods; to admire the 'beauties of nature;' in a 
word, to enjoy the lonely pastimes of a hunter's life, 
remote from the society of his fellowmen. He had 
heard, with admiration and delight, Finley's de- 
scription of the * country of Kentucky,' and, high as 
were his expectations, he found it ' a second para- 
dise.' Its lofty forests, its noble rivers, its pictur- 
esque scenery, its beautiful valleys, but, above all, 
the plentifulness of ' beasts of every American kind,' 
these were the attractions that brought him to it. 
He came, therefore, not to establish the foundations 
of a great state, nor to extend the empire of civiliza- 
tion, but because it was a wilderness; and such a 
wilderness as realized, in its adaptation to his inclina- 
tion and habits, the bright visions of his fancy. 
Having, for reasons like these, chosen it for his 
abode, nothing was more natural than that he should 
be willing to risk much to defend it ; and the peculiar 
warfare by which the settlements were to be pre- 
served put in requisition precisely such powers of 
body and mind, as those that he possessed. He 
united, in an eminent degree, the qualities of shrewd- 
ness, caution, and courage, with uncommon muscu- 
lar strength. He was seldom taken by surprise; he 
never shrunk from danger, nor cowered beneath the 
pressure of exposure and fatigue. 

" In every emergency, he was a safe guide and a 
wise counsellor, because his movements were con- 
ducted with the utmost circumspection, and his judg- 
ment and penetration were proverbially accurate. 
Powerless to originate plans on a large scale, no in- 
dividual among the pioneers could execute, with 



ROBERT DE LA SALLE 14$ 

Sienr de la Salle, in conformity, it may be, with a 
previous design, and under the dread of suffering 
the just punishment of their guilt at his hands. They 
deliberated on the method of doing it for two or 
three days. Meantime, La Salle expressed anxiety 
at the long absence of Moragnet, and seemed to 
have forebodings of some unhappy event, for he 
asked whether Duhaut and his associates had not 
shown symptoms of dissatisfaction. He feared, 
also, that the whole party might have been cut off 
by the savages. 

Finally, he determined to go himself in search of 
them, leaving- the camp, on the 19th of March, under 
the charge of Joutel. He was accompanied by 
Father Anastase, and two natives who had served 
him as guides. After travelling about six miles, 
they found the bloody cravat of Saget near the bank 
of a river, and, at the same time, two eagles were 
seen hovering over their heads, as if attracted by 
food, on the ground. La Salle fired his gun, which 
was heard by the conspirators on the other side of 
the river. Duhaut and Larcheveque immediately 
crossed over at some distance in advance. La Salle 
approached, and, meeting Larchevec|ue, asked for 
Moragnet, and was answered vaguely that he was 
along the river. At that moment, Duhaut, who was 
concealed in the high grass, discharged his musket, 
and shot him through the head. Father Anastase 
was standing by his side, and expected to share the 
same fate, till the conspirators told him that they 
had no design upon his life. 

La Salle survived about an hour, unable to speak, 



146 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

but pressing the hand of the good Father to signify 
that he understood what was said to him. The 
same kind friend dug his grave and buried him, and 
erected a cross over his remains. " Thus perished," 
says he, " our wise conductor, constant in adversi- 
ties, intrepid, generous, engaging, adroit, skilful, 
and capable of anything. He who, during a period 
of twenty years, had softened the fierce temper of a 
vast number of savage nations, was massacred by 
his own people, whom he had loaded with benefits. 
He died in the vigor of life, in the midst of his 
career and his labors, without the consolation of 
having seen their results." * 

The conspirators all returned to the camp, and 
the grief with which the sad intelligence was heard 
by Joutel, Cavelier, and the others there, may be 
imagined. Attached and devoted as they had been 



* In this account of the death and burial of the Sieur de la 
Salle, I have followed the narrative of Father Anastase. — Le 
Clercq's " Etablissement, etc.," Tom. II. p. 340. — Joutel says 
that he expired instantly, and that " the body was stripped 
naked, dragged into the bushes, and left exposed to the raven- 
ous wild beasts." — " Journal Historique," p. 203. — But he 
related what was told to him by others, and wrote from recol- 
lection ; whereas Anastase was present, and has described what 
he saw and performed ; and, as his authority is unquestioned, 
the account given by him would seem to deserve the most 
credit. 

It is impossible to determine the precise spot at which this 
tragedy occurred. It was several days' journey west of the 
Cenis Indians, whose dwellings were on the River Trinity. 
The place was probably on one of the streams flowing into the 
Brazos, from the east, and not far from that river; perhaps 
forty or fifty miles north of the present town of Washington. 
It could scarcely have been farther eastward, though the event 
has generally been supposed to have happened on a branch of 
the Trinity. 



ROBERT DE LA SALLE I47 

to their commander, they had reason to suppose 
themselves destined to be the next victims of the 
murderers. Larcheveque assured Joutel, however, 
that if he said and did nothing to give further 
offence, he would be safe ; and the same declaration 
was made to Cavelier. But the anguish they felt 
was not assuaged by the reflection that they were 
now at the mercy of faithless and treacherous assas- 
sins, who, at any moment, in a fit of caprice, might 
perpetrate new crimes, as their passions or interests 
might dictate. 

Duhaut assumed the command, and the confed- 
erates were for a time submissive to his orders. 
They seized upon all the effects of the Sieur de la 
Salle, and of those who had adhered to him, and 
then took up their line of march towards the villages 
of the Cenis Indians. 



CHAPTER XII 

Contention between the Conspirators. — Five of La Salle's 
Party proceed to the Illinois, and thence to France. — The 
Chevalier do Tonty. — Error concerning a supposed Attempt 
of La Salle to find the Mines of St. Barbe. — Fate of the 
Colony at the Bay of St. Bernard. — Conclusion. 

After a few days' march, they encamped not 
far from Cenis village, and, as the provisions began 
to fail, JoLitel, Liotot, Hiens, and Teissier, were sent 
forward with axes and knives to barter with the 
natives for corn and horses. They were successful 
in their trade, and went back with a good supply, 
except Joutel, who remained to collect a further 
stock. Among the Cenis he found three of the 
Frenchmen who had deserted from the Sieur de la 
Salle on the former journey. One of them was 
named Ruter, a sailor of Brittany, and another was 
called Grollet. They had adopted the Indian cos- 
tume, shaved their heads, painted tlieir faces and 
bodies, decorated themselves with feathers, and in 
their appearance and manners could scarcely be dis- 
tinguished from the savages. While their powder 
lasted, they had made themselves of consequence in 
the wars, having killed many of the enemy; but 
when this was gone, they were obliged to resort to 
bows and arrows, which they had learned to manage 
with adroitness. 

148 



ROBERT DE LA SALLE I49 

While Joutel was employed for a week or two in 
collecting provisions, the company still remaining at 
the camp, Duhaut formed the design of returning 
to the Bay of St. Bernard, where he intended to 
build a vessel and embark in it for the West Indies. 
This was a wild scheme, since there were neither 
carpenters nor materials for constructing such a ves- 
sel ; yet he insisted on executing it. Anastase, Cav- 
elier, and Joutel were bent on going forward to the 
Illinois; but they did not venture to reveal this 
project to Duhaut, not knowing what effect it might 
have upon his reckless and violent temper. Cavelier, 
in as gentle a manner as possible, told him that they 
were not willing to undertake the fatigues of this 
journey, but preferred to remain in the Cenis vil- 
lages, and asked him to leave with them some of the 
powder, axes, and other articles, by which they could 
obtain provisions. After consulting with his asso- 
ciates, he consented to this proposal, and said that, 
in case he should not succeed in building a boat, he 
would return and bring with him Father Zenobe; 
and, if he should succeed, he would give them notice, 
and they might follow him to the Bay of St. 
Bernard. 

This freak of good humor was more than they 
had reason to expect. Before long, Duhaut found 
out their project of going to the Illinois ; and then 
he changed his mind, probably being convinced, 
upon reflection, of the folly of his own scheme. 
This change disconcerted the hopes of Joutel and 
his party, for they were anxious to be separated 
from the murderers. Their hopes were fulfilled in 



I50 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

a way they did not anticipate. Dissensions had 
already sprung up among the assassins about the 
division of the effects, which terminated in a quarrel. 
This was the state of things at the end of April. 

Hiens had been absent from the camp for some 
time, and when he returned, and understood that 
Duhaut had altered his plan, he refused to consent, 
and said it would be dangerous for them to go to 
the Illinois, where they might be arrested and pun- 
ished under the authority of the French government. 
He demanded a share of all the goods that had been 
seized, and, when this demand was refused, Hiens, 
who had probably formed his design beforehand, 
drew a pistol and shot Duhaut, who staggered a 
few steps and fell dead. At the same instant, Ruter 
fired his musket upon Liotot, who was mortally 
wounded, but who survived a few hours, when 
Ruter put an end to his tortures by the discharge 
of a pistol. They next sought Larcheveque, who 
was absent, and whom they likewise intended to kill : 
but they were diverted from their purpose by the 
intercessions of Anastase and Cavelier. 

These new atrocities struck the adherents of La 
Salle with consternation and horror; but Hiens as- 
sured them that he had no intention to do them 
harm, and that they might be tranquil and easy on 
that score. They were now under his command, 
but he seems not to have exercised any severity, 
either to injure their persons or control their move- 
ments. He told them that he had engaged to join 
the natives in a war, and would fulfil his promise, 
and that they might remain in the villages till he 



ROBERT DE LA SALLE 151 

returned. This purpose was executed. Hiens and 
his men went away, leaving them behind. 

They stayed till he returned from the war, in 
which bloody battles had been fought. He then con- 
sented, though with reluctance, to let them depart. 
He furnished them with a good supply of axes, 
knives, powder, and balls, and with three horses. 
If they were thankful for this show of generosity, 
it was not without sharp feeling that they saw this 
conspirator and assassin parading among the 
Indians dressed in a scarlet coat embroidered with 
gold, which had belonged to the Sieur de la Salle, 
and which he was accustomed to wear on occasions 
of ceremony. But it was not a time to yield to the 
claims of sensibility, or to indulge emotions, which 
nature might prompt, but which a stern policy bade 
them suppress. 

The company now consisted of seven persons, 
Anastase, Cavelier the Priest, Cavelier the nephew, 
Joutel, De Marie, Teissier, and a young Parisian, 
named Barthelemy. They had six horses, and three 
Indian guides, who had been prevailed upon to go 
with them for a liberal reward. 

To give the details of their journey would be 
little else than to repeat what has before been de- 
scribed. They left the Cenis villages late in the 
month of May, travelled over the former route as 
far as the Nassonis, and then, pursuing the same 
northeasterly course, passed through several tribes 
of Indians, among others the great nation of the 
Cadodaquios, who dwelt on the banks of the Red 
River. A melancholy accident happened before they 



152 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

reached this place. De Marie, while bathing in a 
river, was drowned. The natives were everywhere 
friendly, gave them provisions, and assisted them 
with guides. At length, on the 24th of July, as 
they approached a river, they beheld on the opposite 
side, to their inexpressible joy and surprise, a large 
cross, and a house of logs built after the French 
fashion. This house was near the junction of the 
Arkansas River with the Mississippi, where the 
provident Tonty, true to his duty and his attach- 
ment, had posted six men, with the hope that they 
might be able in some way to communicate with the 
Sieur de la Salle. Two of them only. Couture and 
Delaunay, now remained; the other four had gone 
back to the Illinois. 

As soon as these two men saw their countrymen, 
they fired a salute, crossed the river with canoes, and 
took them to their habitation. After a six months' 
march through a wilderness, a march filled with 
perils and the most painful incidents, we may well 
imagine that the travellers were rejoiced to meet 
once more the tokens of human sympathy, as well 
as to see the waters of the Mississippi, so long the 
object of their ardent desire, now rolling placidly 
before their eyes. Although they were many hun- 
dred miles from the nearest footprints of civiliza- 
tion, they seemed to be on the threshold of home. 
They rested here six days, and were entertained by 
the Akansas with the ceremonies usual on receiving 
strangers bearing the calumet of peace. Moreover, 
these savages had seen La Salle; his renown as a 
great captain was high among them; and, not yet 



ROBERT DE LA SALLE 1 53 

informed of his death, they bestowed on his com- 
panions some portion of the respect entertained for 
their leader. 

The Parisian youth Barthelemy, exhausted by the 
toils he had endured, was allowed to stay, at his own 
request, with Couture and Delaunay. The company 
was thus reduced to five persons. After making 
presents to the chiefs, procuring Indian guides, and 
bartering some of their horses for a canoe, they took 
leave of their hospitable friends, and began the 
wearisome labor of ascending the Mississippi. 
Their progress was slow, but at the end of two 
months they entered the Illinois River, and, on the 
14th of September, landed at the foot of the high 
rock on which stood the Fort of St. Louis.* 

The Chevalier de Tonty, governor of the fort and 
of the Illinois country, was absent in a war against 
the Iroquois ; but they were greeted with cordiality 

* In this part of the narrative, Father Anastase rnakes a 
passing remark upon the voyage of Marquette and Joliet. He 
endeavors to throw a shade of discredit upon Marquette's re- 
lation, and says it did not see the light till after La Salle's 
discovery. This is a mistake, for it was published in 1681, 
the year before La Salle descended the Mississippi. He affirms, 
moreover, that these voyagers did not go more than thirty 
or forty leagues below the mouth of the Illinois. He gives 
no reason for this assertion, and it may safely be said that 
there is no composition of the narrative kind which bears 
stronger internal marks of truth than that of Marquette. His 
map, also, which was published at the same time, is strikingly 
correct in the position of the great rivers, and in the latitudes 
as far south as the Arkansas, which was the limit of his 
voyage. Anastase was a Recollet, and Marquette a Jesuit ; 
and as we have seen in the case of Charlevoix that the Jesuits 
sometimes looked through dark glasses upon the labors and 
writings of their Franciscan brethren, so, in this instance, 
perhaps, it is but fair to suppose that the compliment was 
returned. 



154 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

and joy by the Sieur de la Belief ontaine who com- 
manded in his absence. Boisrondet, whom the 
reader will recollect as having been several times 
mentioned before, was likewise in the fort, and de- 
votedly attached to the interests of the Sieur de la 
Salle. It was the intention of Cavelier, Joutel, and 
Anastase, to proceed immediately to Quebec, and 
thence to France. They prepared for their journey 
in a few days. Boisrondet likewise proposed to go 
with them, and offered them passage in his canoe. 
They went to Chicago, and set off upon the lake, but 
were soon discouraged by the tempestuous weather 
and lateness of the season, and returned to Fort St. 
Louis, where they spent the winter. 

They had not been long there, when the Chevalier 
de Tonty, having closed the Iroquois campaign, came 
to them at the fort. It may easily be imagined with 
what delight and eager anticipations he now met 
those who could give him intelligence of his long- 
lost friend. But, for some strange reason not well- 
explained, Cavelier and his companions had agreed 
to conceal his brother's death till they should arrive 
in France. They had told it to Couture, but charged 
him to keep it a profound secret. They were obliged 
to dissemble, therefore, with Tonty, and with every- 
body else, who besieged them with anxious inquiries 
upon this subject. They related the particulars of 
the voyage, and of the disasters and adventures at 
the Bay of St. Bernard, leaving the impression, at 
the same time, that La Salle was still there and alive. 
The only apology hinted at by Anastase and Joutel 
for this extraordinary conduct, is, that they re- 



ROBERT DE LA SALLE 1 55 

garded it a duty first to communicate the news to 
the Court of France. This is so clearly a subter- 
fuge, that it is not worthy of a moment's considera- 
tion. Charlevoix probably suggests the true rea- 
son, which was, that they wished to make use of the 
credit of La Salle to procure the means for enabling 
them to pursue their journey. But this will not 
account for their silence at Quebec, when their jour- 
ney was at an end. Cavelier presented a sealed let- 
ter to Tonty, purporting to be written by the Sieur 
de la Salle, and signed by him, in which he requested 
Tonty to furnish his brother with money or goods. 
Unsuspicious, and as ready to comply with the 
wishes as to obey the commands of his friend, he 
generously supplied the bearer, as Joutel relates, 
with the value of four thousand livres in furs, a 
canoe, and other effects, for which Cavelier went 
through the ceremony of giving him a receipt. The 
letter may have been written before La Salle's death ; 
but was it just or honorable now to pass it off for 
such a purpose? These transactions, apparently so 
indefensible, cannot be explained, and must be left 
to the reader's reflection. 

Cavelier and his companions left Fort St. 
Louis early in the Spring of 1688; but they lin- 
gered on the way, and did not reach Quebec till 
after the middle of August, when they sailed for 
France, and landed at Rochelle on the 9th of Octo- 
ber, bearing with them the first intelligence to the 
French Court and nation of the death of the Sieur 
de la Salle, more than a year and a-half after the 
tragical event had occurred. 



156 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

In conformity with his orders from La Salle and 
the Court of France, Tonty had descended the Mis- 
sissippi, with forty men, to its mouth, where he ex- 
pected to meet his commander. Disappointed in his 
expectation, he sent out canoes along the coast, both 
to the east and west of the Mississippi, in search of 
the vessels. These not being found, he returned up 
the river to the Illinois, stopping at the Arkansas, 
and establishing there the post before mentioned.* 

After this period, little is known of the Chevalier 
de Tonty. He was informed of La Salle's death by 
Couture, who came up to Fort St. Louis some time 
after the departure of Cavelier. His surprise and 
chagrin need not be described. The next year, 
1689, he put himself at the head of an expedition 

* When Iberville sailed into the Mississippi, fourteen years 
afterwards, a letter was put into his hands, which had been 
written by the Chevalier de Tonty, and which was then pro- 
cured from an Indian chief. It was directed to M. de la Salle, 
Governor of Louisiana, and its contents were as follows : 

" At the village of the Quinipissas, 20th of April, 1685. Sir; 
Having found the column, on which you had placed the arms 
of France, overthrown by the driftwood floated thither by the 
tide, I caused a new one to be erected, about seven leagues 
from the sea, where I left a letter suspended from a tree. — 
All the nations have sung the calumet. These people fear us 
extremely, since your attack upon their village. I close by 
saying, that it gives me great uneasiness to be obliged to re- 
turn under the misfortune of not having found you. Two 
canoes have examined the coast thirty leagues towards Mex- 
ico, and twenty-five towards Florida." 

This letter is published by Charlevoix. He adds that the 
Indians, whom Tonty calls Quinipissas, were the same as 
the Bayagoulas and Mongoulachas. — " Histoire," Liv. XVIII. 
— The above date, as given by Charlevoix, is erroneous in 
regard to the year, for Tonty says in his " Petition," that he 
went down the Mississippi in 1686; and he must of course 
have been there about the time that La Salle was beginning 
his first journey to the Illinois. 



ROBERT DE LA SALLE 15/ 

to go and rescue the unfortunate people left at the 
Bay of St. Bernard. He advanced to the country 
of the Cenis Indians, and, as he says, approached 
within seven days' march of the Spaniards, when 
some of his men abandoned him, and he was obliged 
to return. He was absent ten months. If Cavelier 
and Joutel had been open and frank with him, and 
had told the whole truth when they first arrived, and 
thus enabled him to form his plan immediately, it 
is more than probable that his zeal and enterprise, 
prompted as they were by the noblest motives of 
humanity, would have been crowned with success. 
For several years, he held the chief command in the 
Illinois country, by a commission from the king, his 
headquarters being at Fort St. Louis. He joined 
Iberville at the mouth of the Mississippi about the 
year 1700, and two years afterwards was employed 
on a mission to the Chickasaws. His route from 
Mobile to the Chickasaw nation is delineated in 
some of the old maps. Neither his subsequent ser- 
vices nor the time of his death are known. 

All the facts that can be ascertained, concerning 
the Chevalier de Tonty, are such as give a highly 
favorable impression of his character, both as an 
ofificer and a man. His constancy, and his steady 
devotion to La Salle, are marked not only by a strict 
obedience to orders, but by a faithful friendship and 
chivalrous generosity. His courage and address 
were strikingly exhibited in his intercourse with the 
Indians, as well in war as in peace ; but his acts were 
performed where there were few to observe and 
fewer to record them. Hence it is that historians 



158 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

have done him but partial justice. And it is most 
unfortunate that the narrative from his own pen, 
originally written, as his character justifies us in be- 
lieving, with fidelity and truth, should have been so 
mutilated and deformed by some mischievous hand 
as to render it a reproach to his name, rather than 
what it might have been, a testimony to his merits, 
and an honorable monument to his memory. 

One censure has been cast upon the Sieur de la 
Salle, of a very grave nature, which deserves a spe- 
cial notice. Charlevoix says, " It is certain that M. 
de la Salle, finding himself at the Bay of St. Ber- 
nard, and having soon discovered that he was at the 
westward of the river for which he was searching, 
might, if he had entertained no other design than 
that of finding the river, have procured guides 
among the Cenis Indians, during his first journey, 
as Joutel did afterwards ; but he had a strong desire 
to go towards the Spaniards to obtain a knowledge 
of the Mines of St. Barbe." * From this passage 
of Charlevoix, and one or two others, it is evident 
that he supposed La Salle to have left his forlorn 
colony in a state of desolation and distress, and to 
have strolled away to the borders of New Mexico, 
in search of these chimerical mines. Other writers 
have been betrayed by him into the same belief. 
But this idea is entirely erroneous, as the reader 
cannot but be convinced from the details of his jour- 
neys, which have been above related. 

Joutel likewise observes, speaking of La Salle's 
first journey from the Bay of St. Bernard, that " he 
* " Histoire de Nouvelle France," Liv. XIII. 



ROBERT DE LA SALLE I $9 

penetrated far into the country, inclining towards 
the northern parts of Mexico." * But, we must 
remember, that Joutel was not with him during this 
journey, and does not pretend to describe it. The 
only person who wrote an account of it was Father 
Anastase, and he was one of the party. He says 
expressly, and more than once, that, when they left 
the fort, their route was northeast, and afterwards 
more easterly; and they passed in this direction a 
long way beyond the Cenis villages towards the Red 
River. And Joutel himself informs us that the 
second journey was over the same track as the first, 
and that La Salle was killed at a place where he had 
been while on the first journey. 

Hennepin tells us, that, before tne Sieur de la 
Salle began his discoveries, he used to talk to him 
in Canada of these imaginary Mines of St. Barbe, 
and hoped that he should find them at some future 
day. This may be true, for the same chimera at 
that time and afterwards troubled the dreams of 
many persons in France. Near the close of the vol- 
ume, containing the English translation of Henne- 
pin, is an absurd story by an unknown hand, pur- 
porting to be a description of La Salle's last voyage 
and death. The writer says that he proposed to his 
men to go with him from the coast to the Mines of 
St. Barbe, where they would find " a rich and easy 
booty;" that some approved and others rejected this 
proposition till they fell into a quarrel and came to 
blows, and that the Sieur de la Salle was killed in 
the fray. 

* " Journal Historique," p. 150. 



l6o AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

From these suggestions and rumors, and others of 
a similar kind, it seems to have at length been re- 
garded as an historical fact that he really engaged 
in this adventure. No authentic account of his death 
was published till that of Le Clercq, four years after 
the event. Meantime La Salle had enemies enough 
in Canada, and in France after the return of Beaujeu 
with his vessel, to circulate any tales that might be 
told to his disadvantage. Scarcely a fact connected 
with his discoveries, however, is more demonstrable 
than that he never went a day's journey from the 
Bay of St. Bernard towards Mexico, and that all his 
travels were eastward, in the direction of the Mis- 
sissippi or of the Illinois. Hence it is impossible that 
he should have gone in search of the Mines of St. 
Barbe, which were supposed to exist somewhere in 
the northern parts of Mexico ; nor is there any credit- 
able authority of early date for believing that he en- 
tertained for a moment such a design after he landed. 

The reader may be curious to know the fate 
of the unhappy colonists left at the fort. The 
story, as related by Charlevoix, is brief and 
sad. When the neighboring Indians, whom he 
calls Clamoets, heard of the Sieur de la Salle's 
death and of the dispersion of his men, they 
made an attack on the fort and massacred all 
that were in it, except three sons and a daughter of 
M. Talon, and a young Frenchman named Eustache 
de Breman. These were spared and led into cap- 
tivity. Their tender age seems to have been their 
shield of protection. Meantime the Spaniards of 
New Mexico, alarmed at the movements of La Salle, 



ROBERT DE LA SALLE l6l 

and hearing that Frenchmen had penetrated to the 
Cenis Indians, despatched a strong mihtary force to 
that nation, where they took Larcheveque and Grol- 
let prisoners. Another party found Talon and Mu- 
nier, who, having acquired the language of the na- 
tives, were prevailed upon to remain there and assist 
the Spanish missionaries as interpreters. Young 
Talon informed the Spaniards of the captivity of his 
brothers and sister among the Clamoets. Two 
of the brothers, the sister, and Breman, were rescued 
some time after and conducted to the city of Mexico, 
where they were taken into the service of the viceroy. 
Larcheveque and Grollet were first sent to Spain 
and confined in prison. They were next transported 
to New Mexico, and, it is supposed, were condemned 
to work in the mines. The two brothers. Talon, en- 
tered the Spanish navy, and, the vessel in which they 
served having been captured by the French, they 
were thus restored to their country. The youngest 
brother, and the sister, who were retained in the ser- 
vice of the viceroy, went with him to Spain. Noth- 
ing further is known of Breman, or of those who re- 
mained with the Cenis Indians. It does not appear 
that the French government took any measures to 
reclaim the prisoners, although they had gone upon 
the enterprise under the authority of the Court. Po- 
litical reasons may have prevented such a step. No 
plan was put in execution for saving the unfortunate 
people at the fort; and the news of their disastrous 
situation, after the death of their commander, came 
so late to France that an attempt for this object 
would have been unavailing if it had been made. 

A. B., VOL. I. — H 



l62 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

In estimating the character, the acts, and personal 
quahties of La Salle, we should not forget that our 
judgment is to be formed wholly from the relations 
of others, who knew little of his plans or his 
thoughts, and who were not all of them his friends. 
Not a single paper from his own hand, not so much 
as a private letter or a fragment of his official corre- 
spondence, has ever been published, or even consulted 
by the writers on whose authority alone we must rely 
for the history of the transactions in which he was 
concerned. All the original sources of information 
which now exist are mere narratives, the composi- 
tions of men who related passing events, and saw the 
outside only, but who had neither the means of 
knowing nor the intelligence to comprehend the na- 
ture and extent of his designs, or the complicated 
difficulties amid which they w^ere executed. The 
journal of Joutel, which has been regarded as the 
best of these, was written, as the author himself con- 
fesses, mostly from recollection, and was published 
twenty-six years after the death of La Salle. It 
would be in vain to search, in materials of this kind, 
for the secret springs of his bold conceptions, his mo- 
tives and ultimate aims, which, if they had been un- 
folded and explained by himself, would undoubtedly 
place him in a very different light before the world. 
Under such circumstances, it would be wrong to 
judge harshly. 

From the preceding narrative it is obvious that he 
possessed remarkable qualities which fitted him for 
great undertakings ; although it must be conceded 
that he was deficient in others scarcely less essential 



ROBERT DE LA SALLE 1 63 

to success. He was ignorant of the art of governing 
men, or rather of bending them to his purpose. He 
could neither humor their foibles nor lead them by a 
silken cord, nor attach them heartily to his interests ; 
and he seems never to have been aware that enter- 
prises like those in which he was engaged could not 
be accomplished without the willing support and co- 
operating agency of others, who, although they 
acted in a subordinate capacity, would claim some 
degree of respect and deference for their opinions. 
Saturnine in his temperament, reserved in his com- 
munications, he asked counsel of no one; and there 
was a certain hardness in his manners, a tone of lofty 
self-reliance, which, although it might command the 
obedience of his followers, was not likely to gain 
their hearty good-will. These faults were probably 
inherent in the constitution of his mind ; but, what- 
ever may have been their origin, they were fatal in 
their consequences. 

On the other hand, his capacity for large designs, 
and for devising the methods and procuring the re- 
sources to carry them forward, has few parallels 
among the most eminent discoverers. He has been 
called the Columbus of his age; and if his success 
had been equal to his ability and the compass of his 
plans, this distinction might justly be awarded to 
him. As in great battles, so in enterprises of this 
kind, success crowns the commander with laurels, 
defeat covers him with disgrace, and perhaps draws 
upon him the obloquy of the world, although he may 
have fought as bravely and manoeuvred as adroitly 
in one case as the other. Fortune turns the scale and 



164 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY 

baffles the efforts of human skill and prowess. In 
some of the higher attributes of character, such as 
personal courage and endurance, undaunted resolu- 
tion, patience under trials, and perseverance in con- 
tending with obstacles and struggling through em- 
barrassments that might appal the stoutest heart, no 
man surpassed the Sieur de la Salle, Not a hint ap- 
pears in any writer that has come under notice which 
casts a shade upon his integrity or honor. Cool and 
intrepid at all times, never yielding for a moment to 
despair, or even to despondency, he bore the heavy 
burden of his calamities manfully to the end, and his 
hopes expired only with his last breath. To him 
must be mainly ascribed the discovery of the vast re- 
gions of the Mississippi Valley, and the subsequent 
occupation and settlement of them by the French; 
and his name justly holds a prominent place among 
those that adorn the history of civilization in the 
New World. 



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